Where babaylans live forever by Gloria Esguerra Melencio

As I entered the majestic  wooden house of Julio Nakpil sitting serenely like a queen amid the hustle-bustle of noisy Quiapo, mixed feelings of awe, sadness and reverence for the Filipino ancestors enveloped me.  Julio Nakpil,  musician, revolutionary and second husband of Gregoria de Jesus, whom she married after Andres Bonifacio died in the hands of his fellow Katipuneros, took care of Ka Oriang after her  and her first husband’s ordeal in Cavite in 1897.

The Nakpil and the Lin- Bautista clans opened their ancestral house for the book launching of “Babaylan: Filipinos and the Call of the Indigenous” to the book enthusiasts, historians, women and students as well to commemorate the birthday of Bonifacio that falls today, 30 November 2010. The women descendants of Ka Oriang  graciously asked the guests to tour around the big house that is now a museum of pictures, memorabilia and writings about history.

The house, before it was reconstructed in 1913, had two gates: one facing the busy street and another one serves as a get-away to the river where Ka Oriang’s eldest daughter Julia used to paddle the banca in going to school by herself.  A big window facing the river was where Ka Oriang usually hang her pamingwit to catch fish for lunch. Retracing Ka Oriang’s steps, the river now is murky and dirty. Tall buildings and sign boards tried, though not successful, to dwarf the Nakpil house. Old tin roofs marked with rust spread along the riverbank as garbage and plastic bags cling lifeless wherever it can between the waters and solid ground.

Ka Oriang’s dainty looks with her coiffed black hair in a picture hanged on the wall commands admiration and respect befitting a hero and a babaylan.  She speaks her mind through her “Sampung Aral ni Oriang” written on the Nakpil wall. It says in numbers 6 and 8: “Iligtas ang api sa panganib;” and “Matakot sa kasaysayan pagka’t walang lihim na di nahahayag.”

Social development activist Sister Mary John Mananzan inspired everyone when she said that the babaylans have a “dangerous and subversive memory” that the foreign colonizers failed to subvert. While they were burned at stake, beheaded and killed by the thousands, the babaylan tradition lives on.

Herstorian Fe Mangahas explained in the launching that the pre-Hispanic Philippine society had three major characters – the datu, panday and the babaylan. Where the datus and the pandays failed to continue their legacy, the babaylans continued to live in the hearts of Filipino women in the beaterios, the present-day nuns and the indigenous peoples in the north down south. She further said: “Nanatiling buhay ang diwa ng babaylan sa bawat isa sa atin – lalaki man o babae.”

Feminist Girlie Villariba who is one of the book writers brought a tampipi full of gifts from Charito Basa who is in Rome helping Filipino migrant workers. Girlie made us smell the lavender flowers, leaves and herbs – curative of mental and spiritual illnesses one has as an individual and as a collective group of people.

Chapter writer Ceres Pioquinto’s sister and relatives flew all the way from Iloilo to relate how their Lola healed people, thus, regarded as a good “tambalan” in their community.

A group of young babaylans called “babaylanins” (female) and “bayogins” (male, from the Visayan word bayog or prayer leader) taught a Palawanon way of hand gesture and greeting saying: “Nagkakaisa tayo sa diwa at sa puso.”

Professor Grace Odal,  dressed in white with a flower bouquet on her head, lighted the candle at the altar, threw fragrant petal flowers up on air and danced ala-early babaylan to summon the spirits of nature to come and bless the occasion. While the book launching attendees danced to the tune of the gongs, guitar, kudyapi and bamboo musical instruments, Professor Connie Alaras said: “Natutuwa ang mga sinaunang babaylan.”

OFWS in Japan road accident discharged

The Philippine Consulate General in Osaka reported to the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) that 12 slightly injured Filipinos who figured in a road accident in Kameyama City,  Mie Prefecture were discharged from the hospital.

Nine other seriously injured Filipinos remain confined in six different hospitals.

The victims were involved in a road accident when their minibus collided with a truck at an intersection at about 7:45 a.m., Sunday. Six other passengers perished in the accident.

The 26 Filipinos, including one naturalized Japanese citizen, were on the way to work at the Sharp Kameyama facility. The minibus driver, a Japanese citizen, was also among the injured.

Kameyama police authorities arrested the truck driver, 45-year old Takao Moriwaki. The truck driver was required to stop at the crossroad.

In an earlier statement, the Overseas Workers Welfare Administration released the names of the fatalities as Mabini Bangi Paler III, 30 year old; Analou Paler Dogami, 30; Randy Bayron Cornel, 30; Alma Dula Adarlo, 33; Remedios Bertoldo Cargullo, 24; and Ceferino Salengua Pedro Jr., 28.

According to the President of the Sharp Kamemaya, Ms. Adarlo was a Japanese citizen. The rest are classified as nikei-jin (of Japanese descent) or holders of long-term Japanese resident visas.

Two among those injured are trainees.

Together with their employer Sharp Kameyama, the Consulate General is working on the documentation requirements for the disposition of the victims’ remains, as well as extending assistance to those that are in the hospital, among others, the DFA press release said.

Ayaw ni Bonifacio

BERTDEY bukas ni Ka Andy Bonifacio, ang bayaning pinagtaksilan ng kapalaran at ng mga dating kakampi sa himagsikan laban sa mga Kastila.

Ang kataksilan ding ito umano ang dahilan kung bakit araw ng kapanganakan (Nobyembre 30, 1863) ang ginugunita natin bilang Bonifacio Day at hindi araw ng kamatayan (Mayo 10, 1897), di tulad ng Rizal Day na araw ng kamatayan ni Ka Joey Rizal (Disyembre 30, 1896) nung barilin siya sa Luneta.

Gusto kasing iwasan ng mga gumawa ng batas na alalahanin ng taumbayan na kapwa Pinoy at mga kasangga ang tumumba sa “Ama ng Himagsikan” tuwing darating ang araw ng paggunita sa kabayanihan niya. Bagay na may pagka-estupido dahil kapanganakan o hindi, laging kasama sa paggunita kung bakit at paano namatay si Bonifacio.

Alam ng lahat na si Ka Emil Aguinaldo ang nagpapatay sa kanya. (Kahit itinanggi ito ni Ka Emil na nagsabing gusto lang niyang ipatapon ang kalaban niya sa pulitika at si Hen. Nano Noriel ang nag-utos ng pagpatay, hindi pa rin maitatatwang tuta niya si Noriel at ito ang arkitekto ng pandaraya sa eleksyon sa Tejeros, Cavite kung saan si Ka Emil ang nahalal na pangulo ng Katipunan.)

Kumpara sa iba pa nating mga bayani, si Ka Andy na yata ang pinakakawawa. Hindi siya iginagalang ng mga burgis na may kontrol ng pamahalaan. May pagkakataong ginawang National Heroes Day ang Bonifacio Day at kamakailan lamang ito naging Bonifacio Day ulit matapos ang maraming reklamo. Aping-api rin siya kahit sa paglalagay ng imahe ng bayani sa pera. Noong may dalawang piso pang sensilyo noong 1980s, solo ang imahe ni Ka Andy, kaso tinanggal nila sa sirkulasyon ang dalawang piso at bilang konswelo de bobo, isinama ang imahe niya sa imahe ni Apol Mabini sa sampung piso. Maging ang kalsadang ipinangalan sa kanya e Boni Avenue na lamang ngayon.

Lagi siyang ikinukumpara kay Ka Joey, at kahit sa pagtuturo ng kasaysayan madalas iniiwasan ang maraming detalye ng kanyang buhay, lalo sa yung parte ng masalimuot na pulitika sa loob ng Katipunan.

Lagi ring minamaliit ang kakayahan niya at sinasabing isa siyang “bodegero” sa Tondo. Pero kung ihahambing mo sa trabaho ngayon, manager siya ng isang kumpanyang pag-aari ng isang Ingles. Hindi pipitsuging trabaho ito. Sa madaling salita, kabilang siya sa middle class.

Hindi rin matatawaran ang ginawa niya matapos dumalo sa kaisa-isang pulong ng La Liga Filipina na itinayo ni Ka Joey. Binuo niya agad ang Katipunan at nagtatag ng gobyernong rebolusyunaryo kasama ng sidekick niyang si Ka Emil Jacinto. Siya rin ang nagpasumpa kay Aguinaldo sa mismong bahay niya sa Tondo.

Kanya ang Tondo, kay Aguinaldo ang Cavite. Kaso, dahil sa Maynila nakasentro ang pwersa ng mga Kastila, mas mabilis na lumakas at dumami ang kasapian ng Katipunan sa Cavite. At ’ika nga sa Ingles, the rest is history. Nagkamali si Ka Andy na pumayag ganapin sa Cavite ang isang eleksyong niluto ng mga Magdalo. Matinding panlalait ang inabot niya at nang magreklamo e ipinahuli siya, nilitis ng isang kangaroo court at pinatay kasama ng mga kapatid.

Isang trahedya na hanggang ngayon ay hindi pa nagkakaroon ng kaganapan o “closure.”

Of libraries and archives

While doing the research for my thesis at the Ateneo de Manila University School of Theology where housed the primary sources from Jesuit Missionary records, I can’t help but notice the well-preserved books and documents housed in air conditioned rooms. Charo Cabardo, a historian friend from Samar who also owns a library of her own, was right when she told me: “That library is my favorite.”

Another favorite is the Franciscan Archives in San Francisco del Monte, Quezon City where although the documents are yet to be sorted out,  Father Long, the priest in-charge of the library who has his hands full teaching, is very helpful to anyone who sets an appointment for research.

The National Library and the National Archives in Manila, sans some of its impolite technical staff, have also a wealth of primary materials from way back 16th century up to the 20^th century. These are all housed in air conditioned rooms. I, an ignorant onlooker, just wonder why some documents gather dusts and have molds on them that bore holes and eat up part by part of the precious documents, the silent witnesses to history and old years gone by.

The University of the Philippines Main Library, of course, is also well-ventilated, despite its lack of books. The librarians, I surmise, have a keen eye on new plagiarized books, that they do not release them downstairs for general consumption.  Old books are recalled as each brittle page is pasted on sturdier paper, sewn or pasted back, and return to the shelves for public reading.

Archives and libraries are my favorite places on earth. Long before the movie “The Librarian” was shown, I have already seen Gregoria de Jesus, wife of Andres Bonifacio, lept alive and talked about how a certain Katipunero surnamed Noriel of Cavite kept her alone (ala Aung San Su Kyii of Burma) in a bahay kubo while Andres was being plotted to be killed by their fellow Katipuneros. I have also cried silently – inside the library -while Procopio Bonifacio called “Kuyang! Kuyang!” for help to older brother Andres while he was being whisked away and eventually shot at a hearing distance.

I have seen on primary documents “Indio” boys and girls from as young as five up to 15 years old who were made “criados” or “criadas” (slaves) and did forced labor and household chores; the five year old girl acted as baby sitter or played with the son or daughter of a Spanish or mestizo family, earning uno to cinco centimos in a month or just food to eat (thus the Tagalog word aliping kanin) and a house to shelter her from the sun and rains.

At the Philippine Revolutionary Records section, I squirm and gasp for air as some Japanese soldiers threw Filipino babies on air and caught them with their sharp, pointed bayonetas up instantly killing them. I hold my neck out of fear and anger as Filipina teenagers were raped by sex starved Japanese soldiers anywhere during World War II. Details were horrible that I understood why my lady History teacher hated the Japanese soldiers then.

(A soft-spoken Japanese girl classmate seated beside me during an undergraduate class many years ago cried uncontrollably while we were discussing World War II atrocities saying the Japanese did not rape and kill Filipinos. It was apparent that this tragic episode was not written in Japanese history books. My male professor clarified he was condemning the war, not the Japanese people. She finished the course just the same.)

It is also in libraries and archives that I discovered the Filipino ingenuity, resourcefulness and bravado that made our culture resilient and the Filipino spirit continuously surviving amid onslaught of wars, poverty and disasters.

I love the muted silence-but not quite- in these places waiting to spring up life in the form of words that tell the stories of men and women in our past.

Bakit kay pangit ng kay ganda

TAPOS na ang boksing, sumuko na ang pasimuno ng lahat at nagbunyi ang sangkatauhan.

Ang dismayado lamang marahil e si Vice Ganda. O baka hindi rin. Mahirap nga rin naman kung mapupunta kay Ganda ang Pilipinas, malaking sakit ng ulo.

Ang totoo niyan, wala namang kumokontra na maganda ang Pinas. Sobra naman talaga ang ganda nito at walang hindi nagmamahal dito – kahit na ‘yung mga kawatan sa gobyerno.

E bakit sobrang dami ng nagreklamo nang tangkain ng Department of Tourism na maglunsad ng kampanya sa islogan na “Pilipinas Kay Ganda”? Bakit gustong sakalin ng lahat na yata ng Pinoy ang mga nag-isip ng islogan?

Unang-una, kay pangit naman talaga ng islogan kung ikukumpara sa mga kapitbahay natin gaya ng Malaysia Truly Asia; Incredible Hulk, este, Incredible India; Amazing Spiderman, este, Amazing Thailand; atbpa.

Weno ngayon kung parang comic superhero ang tunog ng mga islogan nila? Click naman at madaling tandaan.

E kung gumaya kaya tayo sa kanila at sundin ang superhero tags? Hmmm. Fantastic Filipinas (ala Fantastic Four) o kaya Invincible Philippines (Invincible Iron Man), Mighty Philippines (Mighty Thor) o Uncanny Philippines (Uncanny X-Men), atbpa. O di ba? Cool.

Gusto ng marami na bumalik na lang daw tayo sa “Wow Philippines.” Pero paliwanag ng DOT e para lang daw yun sa domestic tourism. Iba-iba raw ang islogan na gamit sa labas ng bansa. Halimbawa sa Hapon,

“Philippines Premium Resorts Islands” daw ito. Sa Korea “7,107 More Than You Can Imagine,” sa Australia
“The Philippines So Much, So Near” at sa Inglatera “The Philippines: Culture, Adventure, Nature.”

Ang “Pilipinas Kay Ganda” nga raw sana ang magiging pangkalahatang islogan sa loob at labas ng bansa.
Kaso nga, hindi ito tayp ng Pinoy at katakut-takot na batikos ang inabot nito. Nakadagdag pa sa reklamo ang perang ginastos para dito na umabot sa halos P5 milyon. Opo, ganun kalaking halaga para testingin lang kung matatanggap natin ang islogang naisip nila.

At hindi raw totoong naisip nila ito nang minsan silang manood ng telebisyon isang umaga at nakita nila ang “Umagang Kay Ganda” sa Channel 2. Hindi rin daw totoong may nakapanood sa kanila ng programang “Pilipinas Win na Win” sa Channel 2 rin at pinagsama nila ang dalawang programa kaya lumabas ang islogan na “Pilipinas Kay Ganda.” Masyadong kumplikado ‘yun.

Ang totoo niyan e tumingin lang sila sa paligid at nakumbinsi sila agad na kay ganda nga ng Pinas.

Sino ang magsasabing pangit ang Pinas? Kahit pumunta ka sa tambakan ng basura o iskwater, este, informal settlement, may makikita ka pa ring magaganda. Mababait ang mga tao, dadalhin ka sa ospital kapag naaksidente at iaabot ang bayad mo sa drayber kung nasa dulo ka ng dyip. Magagalang ang mga pulis, babatiin ka muna ng “Gud morning sir” bago kotongan. Konti lang ang kidnapper at “riding in tandem” kumpara sa populasyon. At higit sa lahat, tutulungan kang umakyat sa bubong kapag lumubog ang bahay mo sa baha.

OFW seeks forgiveness for killing Saudi, claims victim tried to sodomize him

The Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) and the Philippine Embassy in Riyadh have been extending assistance to Rodelio Lanusa, an overseas Filipino worker who killed his Saudi co-worker during a drinking spree in August 2000, according to a DFA press statement.

Lanusa claims that he did the offense in self-defense from the drunken advances of the victim who attempted to sodomize him at knifepoint.

He was sentenced to death by qisas (beheading) by the Damman Grand Court (trial court) in May 2002.  An appeal is presently pending before the Tameez Court (appellate court).  He is being assisted by a lawyer whose services have been engaged by the Embassy.

The imposition of death penalty is presently suspended due to the minority of the victim’s son, who will reach the age of majority in six years.  Under Saudi law, the victim’s son is the next of kin who can grant the tanazul.

The hearing on the private rights of the case will resume when he reaches the age of majority.

A Royal Pardon from the Saudi king will only cover the public rights aspect of the case, and the tanazul is needed before the king can grant any pardons, according to the press release.

The Embassy is pursuing all avenues to convince the victim’s family to grant the tanazul (affidavit of forgiveness) to settle the private rights of the case.

Last September, Philippine Ambassador to Saudi Arabia Antonio Villamor met with a member of the Saudi royal family, who is also a senior official in the Saudi Eastern Region, to request for his help in arranging a meeting between the Embassy and the victim’s family.

The Ambassador met with other Saudi government officials, who committed to arrange a meeting with the victim’s family for the tanazul.

The Embassy is also extending consular assistance through periodic jail visitations and constant monitoring of the progress of the case.

The DFA, through the Office of the Undersecretary for Migrant Workers’ Affairs, is in constant touch with Lanusa’s family to provide them updates on the case.

Recruitment industry stops OFW deployment

The Philippine Association of Service Exporters, Inc. (PASEI), the biggest single land-based association of Overseas Employment Service Providers composed of over 750 private recruitment agencies, has called for “an indefinite” industry-wide deployment holiday beginning Monday.

PASEI’s President Victor E.R. Fernandez, Jr. explained that starting Monday, licensed recruitment agencies will stop the processing of OFW exit clearances with the Philippine Overseas  Employment Administration (POEA) resulting to the OFW non-deployment in protest of the “highly scandalous exorbitant” premium rates that three insurance consortia imposed recently.

PASEI requested President P-Noy to directly order a roll-back of premium rates to ensure that OFWs who will be deployed are properly covered and protected by the deploying recruitment agencies. In a letter, PASEI likewise asked the President to investigate how the highly scandalous insurance premiums were arrived at in order to ferret out the “invisible hands and brains behind this surreptitious machinations and highly irregular scheme.”

Under Section 37-A of the new Republic Act No. 10022, an amendment to Republic Act No. 8042 or The Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995, licensed recruitment agencies are mandated to cover their recruits under an insurance that complies with the requirements of the Compulsory Insurance Coverage for Agency-Hired Workers. The insurance premium must be paid by the recruitment agencies and should be secured at no cost to the OFWs.

“PASEI does not object to providing welfare and insurance protection not covered by Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA). But the premium for these protections dictated by the three insurance consortia is so ludicrous. It actually amounts to forcing the recruitment industry to work and to support the business of the insurance industry at the expense and death of the overseas employment industry,” Fernandez said in a press release.

Describing it as a “cartelized move,” the three insurance consortia had uniformly pegged their premium rates at US$72 for a one year coverage and US$144 for two-year coverage.

Fernandez further explained that an agency that deploys an OFW with a monthly salary of US$300 (for unskilled worker) can only collect US$300 from the OFW as placement fee.

“Imagine if the agency procures an insurance coverage for this OCW at US$144, about 50 percent of the agency’s income already goes to the insurance premium. Where will recruitment agencies get the fees to pay for other costs, overhead, salaries, income, and others?” he asked.

PASEI has called on the Insurance Commission to exercise prudence and fairness in favor of the consumer especially to ensure there will be no pass-on of cost burdening further OFWs. The Insurance Commission’s alleged dictating highly exorbitant premium rates will not only kill the recruitment agencies but the national economy as well due to reduced remittance income, overseas employment job losses, lost of business for airlines, examination fees of medical clinics, the PASEI president stressed.

“We will only have the Insurance Commissioner to blame for this employment and massive business loses disaster in terms of billions of dollars,” he added.

PASEI also called Congress to task to convene the Joint Congressional Oversight Committee and challenged the Senate Committee on Government Corporations and Public Enterprises and the House Committee on Good Governance and Public Accountability to investigate the Insurance Commission on how it can endorse such “exorbitant and unconscionable insurance premiums.”

PASEI likewise warned the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) not to just watch and do nothing but “fence-sit” using the argument that it can do nothing because insurance matter is outside of POEA’s mandate and jurisdiction.

PASEI also wrote Vice-President Jejomar Binay, in his capacity as Presidential Adviser on Overseas Filipino Workers’ Concerns, to take cognizance of this serious problem and asked him to check this alleged anomaly within the Insurance Commission.

Repatriated OFWs arrive from Lebanon

The Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) said that the first batch of 90 distressed overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) from Lebanon arrived early this morning at the Ninoy Aquino International Airport.

The Philippine Embassy in Lebanon’s Assistance to Nationals officer Edwin Batallones escorted the first batch of repatriates.

“The Philippine Embassy closely looks after the welfare of OFWs in Lebanon, and with cooperation of Lebanese authorities, we are committed to ensuring the expedited repatriation of Filipinos in distress there,” Philippine Ambassador Gilberto G.B. Asuque said.

These repatriated OFWs were wards and prisoners of the Filipino Workers Resource Center (FWRC) and Caritas Migrant Center. They had already served their sentences. Others have been scheduled for and for deportation while some were part-time workers who have requested for repatriation assistance from the Embassy.

Another batch of 23 will be arriving this afternoon, while the third and last batch of 50 will arrive tomorrow morning.

The DFA press statement said that the Lebanese government, through the Embassy’s efforts, waived all other repatriation costs. The DFA shouldered the funding for the tickets of the OFWs, it further said.

The DFA continues to work closely with the Philippine Embassies and Consulates General around the world to facilitate the repatriation of distressed Filipinos overseas, according to the press statement.

Eid Mubarak!

NAGDIRIWANG ang mga kapatid nating Muslim ngayong araw ng tinatawag na Eid Al-Adha o pista ng sakripisyo.

Ito ang pinakarurok ng Haj o banal na paglalakbay (pilgrimage) sa Makkah, Saudi Arabia na isa sa limang haligi ng paniniwalang Islam. Sa araw na ito nagbabatian ang mga Muslim ng “Eid Mubarak!” (Maligayang Eid) bilang pagsasaya sa banal na sandaling ito.

Maraming Pinoy ang hindi masyadong nakaaalam na iisa lamang ang pinaniniwalaang Diyos ng mga Kristiyano at Muslim at ang mga tauhan sa Bibliyang Kristiyano e nasa Qur’an din. Kaya kung tutuusin e konti lang ang talagang hindi pinagkakasunduan ng dalawang relihiyon at iyon e pwede namang pag-usapan nang walang patayan.

Naniniwala rin, halimbawa, ang mga Muslim kay Hesus pero hindi bilang Diyos kundi isang propeta na tulad ni Muhammad at Moses (Mousa). Kung sa tingin ng iba ay panlalait ito kay Kristo, dapat malamang malaki ang pagpapahalaga ng mga Muslim sa kanya, kaya nga pantay sila ni Muhammad.

Si Abraham, na kung tawagin ng mga Muslim e Ibrahim, at ang tangkang pagsakripisyo niya ng anak na si Ishmael (Ismail) ang sentro ng pagdiriwang sa panahon ng Haj. Nagsasakripisyo ang mga Muslim ng tupa tulad ng ginawa ni Ibrahim noon matapos siyang awatin ng Diyos sa pagsasakripisyo ng sariling anak. Pwede na raw ang tupa sa halip na anak.

Napag-uusapan ang sakripisyo, mukhang malaking sakripisyo ang hinaharap ng OFWs dito sa bagong batas tungkol sa kanilang insurance. Maitatanong tuloy kung pinag-isipan ba nang todo ang usaping ito bago ito isinabatas.

Batay sa reaksyon ng mga grupong OFW, mukhang hindi naman nila hiningi ito. Meron lang ilang pulitiko na gustong magpapogi at inakalang matutuwa ang mga OFW kapag binigyan sila ng insurance na “walang gastos.” Ibig sabihin ang mga employer at recruiter ang gagastos.

Ngayon, nagkakaletse-letse ang buong industriya ng labor recruitment. Unang nagreklamo ang mga employer sa ibang bansa gaya ng Hong Kong at Taiwan. May probisyon na raw ang batas nila na bigyan ng insurance ang mga manggagawa nilang dayuhan bakit pa sila papatungan ng bagong gastusin?

Sumunod na nagreklamo ang recruitment agencies. Kung ayaw magbayad ng employers (at hindi naman sila mapipilit dahil hindi naman sila sakop ng batas natin) recruiters ang sasagot. Kaso, mataas daw ang singil sa kanila ng mga kumpanya ng insurance. Tatlong kumpanya ang pinayagan ng gobyernong magbigay ng insurance, pero mga kartel daw sila, sabi ng mga recruiter. Pare-pareho ang singil nila: $72 para sa isang taong kontrata at $144 sa dalawang taong kontrata. Kadalasang dalawang taon ang kontrata ng manggagawa Pinoy sa abroad kaya $144. Kung $300 ang pwede nilang singilin sa paalis na OFW, halos kalahati raw agad ang mapupunta sa insurance company.

Nag-alburoto nga ang recruiters kaya simula kahapon tumigil na silang mag-proseso ng paalis na manggagawa bilang protesta.

Sabi naman ng POEA, wala itong magagawa kundi ipatupad ang batas. Walang lalabas na contract workers nang walang insurance.

Sa bandang huli, mga OFW ang uuwing luhaan dito. Siguradong matutulad ito sa placement fees na dapat e binabayaran ng employer pero sa tunay na buhay e sila ang nagbabayad. Kalaunan, dahil batas nga ito, mapipilitan silang bayaran ito kung gusto nilang magtrabaho sa labas ng bansa. Tsk, tsk.

Images of Calle Colon: Evoking Memories of a Cebuano Street

By Rhodalyn C. Wani

Within the heart of the downtown district of Cebu City lies Calle Colon, a street that continually evokes memories in the minds of many Cebuanos. In this street, which has been home to aging yellowish and gray buildings, the hustle and bustle of everyday life is evident in the persistent blaring of horns from jeepneys, the infernal haggling of vendors and their customers over articles such as belts, shoes, and other ornaments, and the excited giggles and laughter of students walking towards their schools. In this street that has borne witness to the city’s long history, various nooks and crannies speak softly of rich and colorful narratives of the Cebuano and his urban identity.

As a child, I had walked down this street, clinging dearly to my mother’s arm as she warned me against sly pickpockets or the more blatant snatchers. I had watched fascinated at the seemingly deft expertise shoe shiners and jewelry cleaners poured into their crafts. Not far away, an occasional tartanilla clip-clopped along the street capturing the attention and amazement of a young and curious mind such as mine. This was my first memory of Calle Colon.

Through the years, Calle Colon continued to exist in my mind as a vivid image of a street with dark back alleys riddled with prowling pickpockets or snatchers. Little did I know that my own image of Colon was only one amongst many others that Cebuanos had of this historic street.

Much more than this, my succeeding re-acquaintance with the street would lead me to realize that these various images evoked through individual memories not only provided a glimpse of Colon’s rich and colorful history but helped weave a story of the Cebuano coming to grips with his urban identity as well.

This paper attempts to explore the various images of Colon as illustrated in the memories of individual Cebuanos have of this street. Fourteen in-depth interviews conducted from the period of December 2005 to October 2007 will be examined in detail. Primary and secondary literature will also be used to supplement existing data found in the interviews.

Community of Chinese Traders

Calle Colon is located within the district of Parian,  and thus, the former’s early history is inextricably linked with the latter. The earliest account we have on the existence of Parian comes from a Jesuit priest, Pedro Chirino, assigned to administer missionary activities in Cebu during the late 16th century and early 17th century. Writing in 1595, Chirino described the formation of three distinct communities in Cebu: a community of Spaniards located near the pier, a community of locals found in the southwest, and a community of approximately two hundred Chinese (“two hundred souls”) living to the north of Fort San Pedro.  Although by no means the first group of Chinese to have disembarked in Cebu, this group is distinguished for being among the first to establish a permanent settlement in the area.

Much similar to their predecessors, the Chinese in Parian lived primarily through the trade they conducted while traversing the length of the Parian estero. Early maps of Cebu show the Parian estero flowing from the northeast at Tinago, gently lolling to the west, swooping down south to an area near Ermita and San Nicolas, and finally returning to the sea. Interestingly, Calle Colon runs parallel to the Parian estero and although early Spanish accounts fail to mention a specific street in this area, it is not hard to imagine the existence of a primitive pathway used by the Chinese as they fared along their day-to-day trading activities.

Although the Parian estero has since silted up, the memory of it being once navigable and used by Chinese traders has remained to this day. Cebuano folklorist, Abellana, for example, mentioned the commerce that abounded on this estero in his search for the pre-Spanish Cebuano. This market place (Parian) was bounded by the Parian and Tinago esteros which were navigable before. At Parian estero, Sampans or flat-bottom boats which were loaded with different merchandise were able to be flowed up to the vicinity of the Oriente Theater today.3

Another vivid portrayal comes from a former resident of Colon, who once remembered this flowing estero, no doubt reliving a memory passed down to her from older generations. Centuries ago, the Estero de Parian was wide and deep, its water flowing constantly. Sailing vessels loaded with merchandise from such exotic places as Siam, Arabia, and China navigated the waterway that snaked west to east, traversing the three streets of Old Parian.

It is this same image of active Chinese traders in Parian that has been carried over to describe Calle Colon’s early history. A more recent Asean Summit held in Cebu in 2007, for example, portrayed Colon as an early community for the Chinese. Bold, large and red lanterns were strewn up carefully along the buildings, while dancers dressed in Chinese costumes eagerly paraded the length of the street.

This image of Colon as a community of Chinese traders has lived through the times.

Sometimes pushed out of the spotlight to make room for more contemporary images of Colon, it has nevertheless resurfaced time and time again to aid the Cebuano in his search for the early beginnings of Calle Colon.

Home of the Chinese Mestizo Gentry

Trade in Cebu, however, was not a continuous process of progression and it had its fair share of ups and downs. By the end of the 16th century and for approximately two centuries thereafter, trade in the island had noticeably decreased as the lucrative galleon trade in Manila increased in dominance. A short-lived attempt by the Spaniards in Cebu to engage in the galleon trade from 1594 to 1604 temporarily stimulated trade, but ended dismally as several decrees on what type of goods could be trafficked heavily restricted merchants from benefitting fully from the trade.

The effect of the trade stagnating during this time had drastic effects in Cebu. Many Spanish merchants, looking for better opportunities, opted to move to Manila and engage in the galleon trade there. In fact by 1738, there were only one or two Spaniards left living in Cebu who were not priests or administrators.  In addition to the weakening trade in Cebu, a series of decrees propagated in 1760 expelling the Chinese from the Philippines also brought the number of Chinese living in Parian down to 18 to 25. Cebu, relegated to becoming an “economically depressed backwater” at this time, was observed by 18th century travelers as a “small village” or an “assemblage of a few miserable huts.”

Meanwhile, by the 19th century, Parian and its surroundings began to go through a transformation of its own. The Parian estero, once a flowing waterway used by enterprising merchants, began to silt up and make transportation of goods more and more difficult. Hence, as the commercial value of the area began to decrease with the drying up of a major waterway, Parian transformed into a predominantly residential area for a new growing class of Chinese mestizos who would later play an integral role in the economic boom experienced by the city in the late 19^th century.

Our next image of Colon primarily comes from this period of Colon’s history when Parian’s geographical transformation marked the beginnings of a Chinese mestizo gentry residing in the area. Distinct Cebuano families with Chinese-mestizo backgrounds such as the Osmeñas, Climacos, Velosos and Gantuangcos to name only a few, made their homes in large houses lining up Colon and created a community of close-knit members affiliated by blood or marriage.

The Chinese mestizos’ balay na tisa, a house built with a combination of wood and stone, exemplified the quintessential Filipino house. Typically two-story in structure, the main living area was found on the upper level of house, while the lower level served as a work or storage space for the family. Windows were made of wood and capiz shells and lined up below with ventanillas, or small shuttered windows instrumental in making the insides of the houses breezier.

A former resident of Colon once described the houses found in the area: Parian’s old houses had a dignity all their own (…) These ancestral homes were made of limestone blocks, enormous posts of durable molave, likewise molave walls, and attractive red-tile roofs (…) The windows of Colon houses were of sturdy wooden frames and pretty lampirong or capiz panes. The sliding panels of wood were easily opened and closed. It was very cool within our homes… Most, if not all, houses in Colon had an open and roofless space called the azotea. Although usually found as an extension of the main house, the azoteas of Colon’s houses were found on the rooftop of the house itself. Newly-washed clothes were often hung up to dry in these azoteas, but aside from this practical purpose, the azoteas served as a space for entertainment.

Just as the houses in Colon gave the street a unique appearance, its residents, too, played a unique role in shaping much of Cebu’s affairs in the late 19th century. Many Chinese mestizo families engaged in several commercial activities connected with the production of cash crops such as sugar, abaca, and cotton, while others went on to form successful business firms and served as agents for a burgeoning number of foreign commercial houses in Cebu.

By the turn of the century, Colon was home to a distinct community of Chinese mestizo gentry who played integral roles in shaping much of Cebu’s modern society. Dotting the historic street with their lavish and luxurious houses, these homes have come to epitomize another rich image of Colon, a portrait of times when life was much simpler yet more bountiful.

Flourishing Center of Cebuano Theaters and Cinemas

Along with an increase in economic activities in Cebu came a greater appreciation for the theater arts. The early 20th century marked another point in Colon’s history as numerous theaters flourished in the street. Showcasing several Cebuano talents in play-writing and acting, Cebuanos visited Colon primarily to watch and enjoy the increasingly popular dulaang binisaya. With the advent of “talkies” during the 1930s, the theaters in Colon slowly transformed into cinemas, and although the outbreak of World War II in 1942 wrought massive destruction in the area, these cinemas rose from the ashes and continued to proliferate well into the 1980s.

One famous theater found at the junction of Colon and Osmeña Boulevard at the turn of the 20th century was the Teatro Junquera (or Teatro Oriente as it was came to be known later on). Built in 1886 by Inocencio Junquera Huergo y Sanchez on a lot formerly owned by Rafael Veloso, the theater has changed ownership from Pedro Rivera-Mir, Leopold Falek, until finally falling into the hands of Jose Avila. Most famous for having staged the first modern dulaang binisiya, “Gugma sa Yutang Natawhan” by Vicente Sotto in 2 January 1902, the theater has since then become home to the works of famous Cebuano playwrights such as Piux A. Kabahar and Buenaventura Rodriguez.

Another theater standing close to the corner of Colon and Osmeña Boulevard was Cinema Royo, which was built on a former cockpit owned by Pedro Royo. Although considered as the cheapest theater in its time (each ticket was priced at 5 centavos, while other theaters charged 20 centavos per ticket), its seats, unfortunately, had no back support and were uncomfortable.

Nevertheless, the theater still became a favorite venue for much-awaited boxing matches. Vision Theater was another distinct structure found in Colon during this time. Built by Agustin Jereza, its famous facade of naked women sculpted by Italian artist Dante Guidetti proved controversial upon its inception. Most famous now for being the only pre-war building left standing in Colon, its walls have borne witness to other historic events. In 1938, for example, the first Cebuano talking motion picture,“Bertoldo-Balodoy,” was premiered in this theater. A few years later, with World War II looming over the archipelago, the USAFFE forces set their headquarters here as well. At the heyday of its existence, Vision Theater proudly hailed its status as the “reyna sa mga sinihan sa Kabisayaan ug Mindanaw.”

As World War II broke out in Cebu in 1942, fleeing Americans bombed several parts of the city. Fires razed buildings in Colon to the ground and the only structure that remained standing was the Vision Theater. Residents rushed to gather their belongings for what many believed to a be a few days of intermittent battling with the Japanese forces, but proved to be a three-year long exodus into the northern and southern towns. Many returned to Colon after the war not to rebuild their homes, but instead to lease their lots to several businesses. The war ended Colon’s predominantly residential character of the former years and paved the way open to a purely commercial district in later years.

The period after the war saw the continued proliferation of numerous cinemas in Colon. In addition to pre-war theaters such as Teatro Oriente and Vision Theater, as many as twenty cinemas were built in Colon during this time. With cinemas such as Cebu Theater, King Theater, Lane Theater, Majestic Theater, Star Theater, Venus Theater, Premiere, President, Cinema, Eden, Superama, Cinerama, Ultra Vistarama, Seven Arts and Victor, Cebuanos acquired a taste not only for Hollywood and Chinese films, but local films as well.

At a time when entertainment could only be found in cinemas, Colon served as an avenue for Cebuanos seeking a few moments of enjoyment. The theaters and cinemas flourishing in Colon constitute another image of Colon reminisced fondly by many Cebuanos. As one Cebuano journalist aptly put it, “The theaters were the lifeblood of Cebu City in the past. Because entertainment alone before was only in theaters. Wa gyu’y lain.”

Bustling Business District

The changing nature of Colon after World War II was also marked by a significant growth in business establishments in the street. In fact, from 1950 to 1985, more than one hundred establishments were noted to have been found in the street. Ranging from restaurants and bakeries to shoe shops and pawnshops, Cebuanos went to Colon to do most of their shopping. Colon’s commercial role during this period rose to such a point that one journalist observed, “The greater postwar city shifted her business core to modern Calle Colon.”

One famous establishment found in Colon at thistime was the Elite (e-läyt) Bakery. Situated at the corner of Colon and Osmeña Boulevard, the bakery was popular for its tasty French bread and ube jam. Until well into the 1980s, the bakery continued to be managed by the Osmeñas.17

La Madrid Cafe was another establishment popular with the Cebuanos during the post-war years. Standing in between the Teatro Oriente and Majestic, it began as a small “nook” selling popcorn to moviegoers. Cebuano politicians and journalists of the post-war years also found their own haven in a restaurant known as Chocolate House. Situated in front of the Reynes’ home near the corner of Colon and Pelaez, these personalities were often seen chatting and debating the night away while digging into the restaurant’s specialties, tsokolate and waffles.

By the 1970s, department stores such as Gazini Plaza, Metro Gaisano, Gaisano South, Gaisano Main, Fairmart, Gaw, and Rositas began sprouting in Colon and marked a significant point in the Cebuano’s shopping lifestyle. For the first time, the convenience of being able to shop in a single building came within the grasps of Cebuanos and this made the department stores along Colon not only popular but successful as well.

The decades from the 1950s to the 1980s witnessed an increase in commercial activities in Colon. In fact, Cebuanos have often pinpointed Colon’s “glory” to this period. Bustling with commercial activity with shoppers moving to and fro, this image of Colon’s commercial dominance holds a unique place in the Cebuano’s memory. As one businessman described: ‘Tong una. Wa, it’s like a big mall. Oo, puno ug tawo. Rich and poor maglakaw sa Colon. Labang-labang. Like musulod didto sa Gaisano, after that, mubalhin na pud ngadto sa pikas. Mubalhin na pud another mall. Balhin na pud another store. Like Hong Kong. Then, kaon ko’g restaurant. Tan-aw ko’g sine. Everything was here. Naa gyud sa Colon.”

“Declining” Center of Commerce

By the late 1980s and early 1990s, Calle Colon once again went through a transformation. The previous decades of bustling commercial activities seemingly began to take its toll on the street as buildings began to take on a worn-out look and sidewalks slowly became dirtier. Vendors made their appearance more permanent during this time as they peddled their wares in various spots along the street. Petty crimes began to rise as several reports of theft began to proliferate. Traffic, which was previously never a problem in Colon, suddenly gave the city government much to worry about as they shuffled back and forth between policies on making traffic on the street one-way, two-way, or one-way once again.

On the commercial sphere, a noticeable change in the nature of businessmen and clients arose as well. Larger businesses moved to uptown areas as the process of “suburbanization” began to take place in the city, while smaller businessmen remained to open shop in Colon. Shoppers from the higher brackets of society also visited Colon less and less as larger malls outside the downtown district gained immense popularity. Colon, by this time, continued to enjoy patronage, but mostly from shoppers who were now searching for a “good buy for less money.”

This period has often been referred to as a point of “decline” in Colon’s history and it is this image I had of Colon as I was growing up. Others, though, have expressed disagreement to such a view and have instead described a “changing nature” in Colon. Proponents of this latter view have pointed out that commerce still continues to thrive in Colon, albeit on the aspect of selling raw goods or selling goods wholesale. In other words, Colon continues to be alive with activity, only of a different sort from those seen in the previous decades.

Nevertheless, the image of degradation and “decline” in Colon continues to be a strong one up to the present, and it is an image that current heritage workers in Colon wish to change. Groups such as the W.I.L. Hapsay Sugbo Foundation and the Cebu Downtown Revitalization Project both gaze back sentimentally on a “long, lost glory of Colon” and through heritage projects and commercial activities, have taken the first bold steps in fostering a deeper appreciation for the historic street. Much has still to be done, yet given Colon’s long history of resiliency, the future can only hold infinite possibilities of change.

Symbol of Cebuano Heritage

From a community of Chinese traders, a home for the Chinese mestizo gentry, a flourishing center of theaters and cinemas, a bustling business district, to a “declining” center of commerce, Calle Colon has undoubtedly transformed itself time and time again. The various images of the street distinguished not only from its long, drawn-out history but also from the numerous narratives told and retold, echo deeply of a heritage shared by generations of Cebuanos.

Aging yellowish and gray buildings may characterize our Colon of today, yet all around are signs of life steadily pulsating, reminiscent of age-old yet modern values, raw and beautiful at the same time, as Cebuanos continue to immerse themselves in the sights and sounds of altering states of urbanity.

(Published in Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, Vol. 37, March 2009 No.1, Cebu City: University of San Carlos Publications, Pages: 1-18)

REFERENCES

BOOKS

Briones, Concepcion G. Life in Old Parian. Cebu City: University of San Carlos, 1983.

Calle Colon of Cebu: A Guide to the Oldest Street in the Philippines. Cebu City: Cebuano Studies Center, University of San Carlos, 2000.

Chirino, Pedro. Relacion de las Islas Filipinas. Isinalin ni Ramon Echevarria. Manila: Historical

Conservation Society, c. 1969.

Fenner, Bruce L. Cebu Under the Spanish Flag, 1521-1896: An Economic and Social History. Cebu City: University of San Carlos Publications, 1985.

Hutterer, Karl L. An Archeological Picture of a Pre-Spanish Community. Cebu City: University of San Carlos, 1973.

Le Gentil, M. Voyage dans les mers de l’Inde mula sa The Philippine Islands 1493-1898, ed. Emma Helen Blair at James A. Robertson. Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903-1909. Vol. 28.

Mir, Pedro Rivera. Guide Directory of the Cebu Province Philippine Islands. Calle Magallanes: Falek’s Printing House, 1914.

Mojares, Resil B. Casa Gorordo in Cebu: Urban Residence in a Philippine Province. Cebu: Ramon Aboitiz Foundation, Inc., 1983.

Nishimura, Masao. “Long-distance Trade and Development of Complex Societies in the Prehistory of the Central Philippines: the Cebu Central Settlement Case.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1992. 3 Volumes.

Pigafetta, Antonio. First Voyage Around the World. Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1969.

Ramas, Wilhelmina Q. Sugbuanon Theatre From Sotto to Rodriguez and Kabahar: An Introducation to Pre- War Sugbuanon Drama. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1982.

San Antonio, Juan Francisco. The Religious estate in the Philippines mula sa The Philippine Islands 1493- 1898, ed. Emma Helen Blair at James A. Robertson. Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903-1909. Vol. 28.

Savellon, Romola O. Colon Street. Cebu Normal University Museum, no date.

Sy, Dionisio A. A Short History of Cebu 1500s-1890s and the Anti-Spanish Revolution in Cebu. Cebu City: Bathalad, Inc., 1996.

ARTICLES

Bagares, Gavin S. “Colon: Cebu’s link to Chinese past.” The Philippine Daily Inquirer. 10 March 2007.

“Citom to study Colon Closure.” The Sun-star Daily News. 22 October 2006.

“Colon CITOM Wants to Extend 2-way Traffic Until October 1.” The Sun-star Daily News. 27

August 2003.

“Colon Experiment Extended anew to August 31.” The Sun-star Daily News. 24 July 2003.

“Colon Rerouting Extended Again.” The Sun-star Daily News. 18 March 2004.

“Colon traders, CCCI launch downtown area night market.” The Sun-star Daily News. 16 June 2003.

Costanilla, Sasm. “After ‘Tabo” comes ‘Pasko sa Colon.’” The Sun-star Daily News. 2 October 2002.

Doeppers, Daniel F. “The Development of Philippine Cities Before 1900.” The Journal of Asian

Studies. Volume XXXI, Number 4 (1972): 769-792.

“El Estero de Parian.” Nueva Fuerza. 16 March 1916. Page 2.

Estabaya, Domingo M. “Cebu City in Grandpa’s Time.” The Freeman. 10 March 1966. Pages 8-9, 15, 22.

________. “The Streets of Cebu City.” Vistas. 25 December 1981. Pages 27-28.

________. “Calle Magallanes.” Vistas. 1-7 October 1982.

Gilsing, Kristy. “’Shopping segregation’ in Cebu City: Truth or Fairy Tale?” (Unpublished Paper) Cebu City: University of San Carlos, c. 2006.

Kintanar-Alburo, Erlinda. “History Via the Newspaper: Pre-War Cebuano Social Life.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 13 (1985): 240-45.

Lao, Garry B. “City Relives Colon’s Past With Markers.” The Freeman. 24 October 2004.

Nishimura, Masao. “Long Distance Trade and the Development of Complex Societies in the

Prehistory of the Central Philippines – The Cebu Archeological Project: Basic Concept and First

Results.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 16 (1988) 107-157.

Sajor, Edsel E. “The Real Estate Boom in the 1990s and Land Use Allocation for Socialized

Housing in Metro Cebu, Philippines.” UMP-Asia Occasional Paper 52 (September 2001): 1-33.

Villalon, Augusto F. “Calle Colon in Cebu, the Philippines’ oldest street.” The Philippine Daily

Inquirer. 19 Hunyo 2000.

INTERVIEWS

Bagares, Gavin S. Interview by author, 13 February 2007, Cebu City.

Bernardo, Marilou. Interview by author, 25 October 2007. Cebu City.

Borres, Eulogio E. Interview by author, 27 April 2007, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Chu, George. Interview by author, 25 April 2007, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Gantuangco, Natividad. Interview by author, 30 December 2005, Cebu City.

Javier, Adelaida. Interview by author, 16 February 2007, 17 Abril 2007, Lungod Cebu. Tape

recording.

Larrañaga, Margot. Interview by author, 27 October 2007. Cebu City.

Mathieu, Margie. Interview by author, 23 April 2007, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Pañares, Tonette. Interview by author, 16 February 2007, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Perez, Patricia B. Interview by author, 29 December 2005, Cebu City.

Rama, Michael L. Interview by author, 25 October 2007, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Savellon, Romola. Interview by author, 23 April 2007, Cebu City.

Segura, Manuel S. Interview by author, 17 March 2006, Cebu City.

Sotto-Yuvienco, Suga. Interview by author, 30 December 2005, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Surban, Nita. Interview by author, 15 February 2007, Cebu City.

Tomalabcad, Henry P. Interview by author, 24 April 2007, Cebu City.

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