Natural birth control
LAGING sinasabi ng Simbahang Katolika na natural na paraan lamang ng pagpaplano ng pamilya ang pinahihintulutan ng Diyos at ang hindi natural ay mapagpalaglag (abortifacient).
Pero merong “natural” na paraan ng pagkontrol ng populasyon na siguradong tataasan ng kilay ng mga Katolikong obispo: ang kabaklaan.
Opo, mga ginoo at ginang, may mga mananaliksik at siyentista na naniniwalang ang pagkakaroon ng bakla – o tomboy – sa mundo e may disenyo at hindi basta lamang nangyayari.
May nabasa akong artikulo tungkol dito at medyo kumbinsing ang sinasabi ng baklang nagsulat, parang gusto ko nang maniwala.
Sabi sa artikulo, may mga naniniwala – at hindi sila nagpapatawa – na ang kabaklaan (o katomboyan) ay paraan ng Inang Kalikasan para sagipin ang sangkatauhan sa sobrang pagdami. Ganito rin daw ang lagay sa kaharian ng mga hayop. (May mga bakla at tomboy ding hayop, kung hindi ninyo naitatanong.)
Isipin mo nga naman, kung walang bakla at tomboy at lahat ay mag-aanak, mas marami pa sigurado ang tao sa mundo kesa ngayon. At dahil maraming tao at hindi naman dumarami ang pagkain, maraming magugutom at mamatay kalaunan hanggang maubos na ang lahat ng tao o magkaletse-letse ang buhay sa mundo.
Matagal ko nang sinasabi sa espasyong ito na utang natin sa mga bading ang pag-unlad ng ating wika at kultura. Ngayon, heto ang isa pang kontribusyon nila – ang natural family planning, sa ayaw natin at sa gusto.
Marami nang sumubok na ipaliwanag na ang pagiging bading at lesbiyana e hindi abnormalidad pero hanggang ngayon e pinagtatalunan pa rin ito. May mga pag-aaral kasing nagsasabing impluwensya ito ng kapaligiran at hindi “natural,” kaya “nagagamot” ang kabaklaan at katomboyan, anila.
Hindi pa rin masungkit-sungkit ng mga siyentista ang tinatawag na “gay gene” na nagdidikta sa isang tao kung magiging “tuwid” ba siya o bakla, tomboy o bisexual sa pagsulpot niya sa mundong ibabaw. Kaya wala pa ring hatol kung nasa genes nga ba ang pagiging badingerzee.
Ngayon na lamang din unti-unting tinatanggap ng lipunan na may mga taong hindi talaga “straight” kahit ano ang gawin.
Nasubukan na ang lahat ng paraan para pigilin ang pagdami ng tao sa mundo. Sa China, halimbawa, ipinatutupad pa rin ang “one-child” policy na ikinadidismaya ng maraming pamilya at nagreresulta ng maramihang pagpatay sa mga babaing sanggol.
Bakit hindi subukang engganyuhin ang kalalakihan natin na maging bading? Kung “nagagamot” ang pagiging bading at tomboy, baka pwede ring “himukin” na maging bading ’yung mga hindi bading?
Anong malay natin, baka ito ang solusyon para hindi tayo sumobra sa dami at maging maligaya na tayo habambuhay?
Pag-aalsang EDSA
Ikatlong Bahagi: Pag-aalsang EDSA
Malaki na nga ang iniunlad ng pakikibakang antidiktadura sa pagpasok ng dekada 1980. Pati na ang pampulitika at pang-ekonomiyang kabuhayan ay tila nagbabadya ng di magandang hinaharap para sa rehimeng batas militar.
Mula pa huling dekada ng 1970, tinutulak na ng gobyernong Estados Unidos sa ilalim ng administrasyong Carter ang rehimen tungo sa “normalisasyon” – tungo sa pagbabalik ng mga pormal na institusyon ng demokrasya. Kasama sa proseso ng “normalisasyon” ang ginanap na eleksyon para sa interim Batasang Pambansa noong 1978, ang pormal na pag-aalis ng batas militar noong Enero 1981 at ang pagdaraos ng eleksyong presidensyal noong Hunyo 1981. Lahat nang ito, gayunman, ay ginawa ayon sa mga kundisyong itinakda ni Presidente Marcos.
Nagsimula na ring tumindi ang krisis pang-ekonomiya na ipinamalas at pinalubha pa ng pagtakas ng isang negosyanteng di makabayad ng utang sa mga bangko. Umabot ang utang sa daang milyong piso na kinasangkutan ng may 80 kumpanya at bangko. Di biro ang epekto nito sa negosyo sa bansa. Maging ang malalaking negosyanteng sumuporta sa rehimen sa simula ay nagpamalas ng pagkabahala sa lumulubhang krisis. Gayon na lamang ang tindi ng suliraning pangkabuhayan kung kaya pumailalim ang gobyerno sa programang istruktural ng IMF na lalo lamang nagpahigpit sa pagkasakal ng huli sa bansa.
Samantala, bagaman may paghupa sa armadong pakikibaka ng MNLF, bigla namang sumigla iyong sa CPP sa iba’t ibang dako ng bansa laluna sa Samar at Mindanao. Bukod sa lumaganap ang mga kilos-protesta ng mamamayan higit pa itong naging koordinado kung kaya nakapaglunsad din ng mga pambansang aksyon kabilang ang mga unang mga welgang bayan sa Davao, Negros at Bataan noong 1984. Anupa’t sa lahat ng larangan, nalagay sa alanganin ang katayuan ng rehimen.
Tatalakayin sa bahaging ito ang mga kagyat na pangyayaring nagbunga ng pagbagsak ng rehimeng batas militar simula sa pagpatay kay Sen. Benigno Aquino Jr. noong 1983, sa pagdaraos ng eleksyong snap noong 1986 at sa apat na araw na Pag-aalsang EDSA noong Pebrero 22-25, 1986.
Aralin 1: Pagpatay kay Sen. Benigno Aquino Jr.
Kung hindi idineklara ang batas militar noong 1972, magkakaroon sana ng eleksyong presidensyal noong 1973. Ito na ang katapusan ng dalawang terminong panunungkulan ni Presidente Marcos. Sa ilalim ng Konstitusyong 1935, hindi na siya maaaring tumakbo bilang presidente.
Noon pa man, ang inaasahan nang humalili sa kanya bilang presidente ay ang batang senador na si Benigno Aquino Jr. ng Partido Liberal. Ngunit di ito naganap. Sa halip na manungkulan sa Malakanyang, sa mga bilangguan ng gobyernong batas militar nakulong ang senador. Isa siya sa mga unang hinuli nang ideklara ang batas militar.
Sa halip na makipagtulungan, pinili ng senador na labanan ang diktadura mula sa loob ng bilangguan. Binatikos niya ang paglilitis sa kanya na isang sibilyan ng hukumang militar. Sa isang pagkakataon, pinaabot niya ang pagtutol sa pagsasagawa ng hunger strike ng mahigit isang buwan. Kahit na pinatawan sila ni Kumander Dante ng NPA ng parusang kamatayan, kapwa nila ipinagpatuloy ang pagbatikos sa rehimeng batas militar.
Sa eleksyong 1978 para sa interim Batasang Pambansa, binuo niya ang partidong LABAN kasama ang iba pa para hamunin ang partido Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) sa Metro Manila. Halatang-halata ng mamamayan ang pandaraya, dahil hindi pinalusot ng rehimen sa eleksyong ginawa kahit si Aquino na napakapopular pa rin noon.
Bunga ng kanyang pagkakasakit, pinayagan siya ng gobyerno na pumunta ng Estados Unidos para magpagamot noong 1980. Ginamit niya ang pagkakataon para sangguniin ang iba pang mga pulitiko at grupong antidiktadura sa Estados Unidos. Bagaman sinabi niyang isa sa mabungang bahagi ng kanyang buhay ang pananatili sa Estados Unidos, nadama naman niyang nalalayo siya sa kasagsagan ng mga pangyayari sa Pilipinas.
Naisip niyang bumalik sa Pilipinas noong 1983 nang mabalitang may malubhang sakit si Presidente Marcos. Nabalita na rin ang paglalabanan ng mga pangkat sa loob ng gobyerno. Diumano’y pumoposisyon na ang mga ito kung aling pangkat ang mamamayani sakaling mamatay ang Presidente. Malinaw na usapin, kung gayon, ang problema ng hahalili kay Presidente Marcos dahil walang malinaw na sistema ng paghalili. Lalong magkakagulo ang bansa kung sakali.
Higit sa lahat, lumalakas nga ang paglaban ng mga mnamamayan simula taong 1980. Sa pagkakataong ito, pinili ni Sen. Aquino na bumalik ng bansa upang maging bahagi ng mga pag-aayos para sa hahaliling pamahalaan sakaling mamatay nga sa sakit si Presidente Marcos. Iminungkahi niya na magbuo ng konseho ng mga tagapayo o ng mga nakakatanda upang ayusin ang sistema ng transisyon. Ngunit binalewala ng Presidente ang kanyang mungkahi.
Sa kanyang pagbabalik, batid ni Aquino ang mga panganib na kanyang susuungin. Agosto 21, 1983 nang lumapag sa Manila International Airport (MIA) ang eroplanong kinasasakyan ni Marcial Bonifacio – ang alyas na ginamit ni Aquino. Habang pababa siya ng eroplano, kasabay ang mga military escort na kumaon sa kanya, binaril at pinatay ang Senador.
Laking pagkabigla ng mga Pilipino nang ibalita ang walang patumanggang pagbaril at pagpatay sa Senador. Ayon sa gobyerno, isang paupahang mamamatay-tao – si Rolando Galman – ang bumaril sa Senador. Binaril din at pinatay si Galman nang oras ding iyon. Mga komunista ang pumatay kay Aquino, sabi ng gobyerno. Walang naniwala sa pamahalaan.
Sa bigat ng seguridad sa paliparan at sa pangyayaring mga militar ang nakapaligid kay Sen. Aquino, at mga militar din ang mga huling kasama ni Galman, naniwala ang lahat na may kinalaman ang gobyerno at militar sa pagpatay kay Aquino. Pinatibay ang paniniwalang ito ng resulta ng imbestigasyon ng Komisyong Agrava na binuo ng gobyerno para siyasatin ang pangyayari. Itinuro ng resulta ang militar bilang siyang may kasalanan sa pagpatay sa dating Senador.
Habang isinasagawa ang imbestigasyon, bumuhos ang malawak na simpatya ng mamamayan kay Sen. Aquino. Nais nilang ipahayag ang kanilang niloloob: “Sobra na!” Sa burol ng Senador sa simbahang Santo Domingo, mahabang pila ng mga tao ang nagtiis ng init ng araw at patak ng ulan para makiramay at masilayan ang labi ng dating Senador. Sa paghahatid ng bangkay sa Tarlac at pagbabalik nito sa Maynila, daan-daang libo ang humanay sa lansangan para ito saksihan. Sa araw mismo ng libing, daan-daang libo rin ang sumama sa paghahatid sa dating Senador sa huling hantungan.
Higit pa sa mga ito ang di inaasahang naganap. Sa unang pagkakataon, bumuhos sa mga lansangan ng Makati – ang sentro ng negosyo at pinansya ng bansa – ang mga dilaw na confetti na tanda hindi lamang ng pakikiramay at pakikidalamhati. Pagtutol at paglaban sa katalampasanan ang ipinamalas ng gitnang puwersang kinatawan ng mga empleyado at negosyante ng Makati nang kanilang sabuyan ng dilaw na confetti ang libing at ang mga protestang ginanap dito.
Sobra nga ang ginawang pagbaril at pagpatay sa dating Senador kung kaya tila nagising ang taumbayan sa katalampasanang nagaganap sa ilalim ng rehimeng batas militar. Lalo pang ginatungan ng rehimen ang poot na naglalatang sa dibdib ng mamamayan. Kinabukasan, pagkatapos ng libing, hindi man lamang nabasa sa dyaryo o napanood sa telebisyon ang walang katulad na libing. Garapal na pagtatakip ang ginawa ng pamahalaan. Lalo itong nagpangitngit sa mamamayang lubhang nakakabatid na ngayon ng katotohanan. Humulagpos sa mga malawakang rali at demonstrasyon ang damdaming kaytagal na kinimkim para singilin ang rehimen sa mga kasalanan sa taumbayan.
Nagsilbing titis na nagpaliyab sa paglaban sa diktadura ang pagpatay kay Sen. Aquino. Kagyat na napasalansangan ang libu-libong mamamayang nagpoprotesta. Justice for Aquino, Justice for All (JAJA) ang sigaw ng mga biktima ng gobyernong batas militar. Ito rin ang pangalang ginamit ng kilusang nagkoordina sa mga kilos-protesta. Sa unang pagkakataon, sumanib ang mga gitnang puwersa ng lipunan sa mga puwersa ng mamamayang kay laon nang nakikibaka laban sa diktadura.
Sinikap ng mga puwersang antidiktadura na bumuo ng malawak na samahan o koalisyon na magsusulong sa paglaban sa rehimen. Mula sa JAJA, nabuo ang Coalition of Organizations for the Restoration of Democracy (CORD). Noong 1985, sinikap na pag-isahin sa isang mas masinsing organisasyon ng mga puwersang antidiktadura sa pagbubuo ng Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN). Ngunit bunga ng mga di pagkakaunawaan, dalawang samahan sa halip na isa ang nabuo. Isa nga ang BAYAN na ang ubod ay binubuo ng mga pambansang demokrata at isa pa ang Bansang Nagkaisa sa Diwa at Layunin (BANDILA) na ang ubod ay binubuo ng mga sosyal demokrata.
Iba’t ibang anyo ng protesta ang inilunsad ng mga mamamayan. Bukod sa mga malawakang rali at demonstrasyon, nagsagawa ng mga tinawag na jogging for justice, pasyalan sa Ayala, window shopping sa Rustan’s, misa at prusisyon. Kapag sa Makati ginanap ang kilos protesta, hindi nawawala ang mga dilaw na confetti na naging tatak na ng protesta. Naganap noong 1983-1984 ng mga protestang sa lawak ay di pa nasaksihan sapul nang panahon ng batas militar o bago pa ito.
Noong 1984, pinasinayaan ang isang bagong anyo ng protesta ng mamamayan – ang welgang bayan. Ito ang paghinto ng mga normal na aktibidad ng mamamayan bilang protesta. Naglunsad ng welgang bayan sa Davao kaugnay ng usapin ng Pagkain at Seguridad. Nagsagawa ng welgang bayan sa Negros kaugnay ng usapin ng karapatang pantao. Welgang Bayan din ang inilunsad sa Bataan kontra sa plantang nukleyar. Sa huling welgang bayang ito unang nasaksihan ang pagpigil ng mga tao sa armed personnel carrier (APC) ng AFP – pagpigil ng mga sibilyan na muling ginawa sa mas malaking aksyon ng mga mamamayan sa EDSA.
Sinikap ng gobyerno na pahupain ang galit ng mamamayan. Ngunit nagtuluy-tuloy ang mga protesta habang lalo pang lumakas sa buong kapuluan ang armadong paglaban. Bagay na nakabahala hindi lamang sa gobyernong batas militar kundi pati na sa gobyernong Estados Unidos. Isang bahagi nito, kabilang ang Departamento ng Estado, ang nabahala sa paglakas ng impluwensya ng CPP at buong kilusang pambansa-demokratiko sa nagaganap na mga protesta. Nagtangka ang mga ahensya ng Estados Unidos na padaluyin ang mga protesta sa paraang naihihiwalay ang CPP at ang kilusang pambansa-demokratiko habang napapanatili ang impluwensya ng Estados Unidos sa mga nagaganap.
Ngunit ganoon na lamang ang pagkasiphayo ng mga pulitikong kontra-Marcos sa pagsuporta ng Estados Unidos sa rehimen kung kaya pumirma sila sa kasunduan ng mga oposisyonista na tumututol sa pananatili ng mga baseng militar ng Estados Unidos sa bansa. Isa pa naman ito sa mga sensitibong interes ng Estados Unidos at isa sa mahalagang dahilan ng pakikialam nito sa mga nagaganap sa bansa.
Aralin 2: Eleksyong Snap
Bunga ng paglakas ng mga protesta at aksyong militar ng CPP-NPA, gayundin ng lumalakas na katangiang anti-imperyalista ng mga pagkilos, lubha ngang nabahala ang Estados Unidos sa nagaganap sa Pilipinas. Mangyari pang pangunahing pinangangalagaan nito ang mga base militar at iba pang pang-ekonomiyang interes nito sa bansa. Sa buong panahon ng 1985, dating nang dating sa bansa ang mga sugo ng pamahalaang Amerikano kabilang ang pinuno ng CIA na si William Casey at ang pangunahing tagapayo ni Presidente Ronald Reagan na si Paul Laxalt.
Pati na mga ahensya ng gobyernong Amerikano ay nag-isip ng mga paraan upang pahupain ang mga protesta kabilang ang pagpapanukala ng normalisasyon, negosasyon at rekonsilasyon sa pagitan ng mga nagtutunggaling puwersa, basta mawala sa eksena ang CPP at ang buong kilusang pambansa-demokratiko na may mahigpit na paninindigang anti-imperyalista. Nagpanukala rin ang Estados Unidos ng eleksyong snap para maipakita ang patuloy na pagsuporta ng taumbayan sa pamahalaang Marcos.
Sa harap ng mga presyur sa gobyernong Marcos, gumawa ito ng sariling mga hakbang para bawasan ang presyur mula sa mga nagpoprotesta at sa pamahalaang Estados Unidos. Kabilang nga sa mga hakbang na ito ang eleksyon noong 1978 para sa interim Batasang Pambansa, pormal na pag-aalis ng batas militar noong Enero 1981, pagdaraos ng eleksyong presidensyal noong Hunyo 1981 at ang pinakahuling eleksyon para sa regular na Batasang Pambansa noong Mayo 1984.
Gayunman, hindi nabawasan ang presyur. Ipinapalagay ng mga maimpluwensyang sektor sa Estados Unidos na nawawala na ang suporta ng mamamayan sa pamahalaang Marcos. Noong Nobyembre 1985, bigla na lamang ipinahayag ni Presidente Marcos sa interbyu sa telebisyong Amerikano na ginanap ng madaling araw kung kailan tulog ang maraming Pilipino ng kahandaan niyang magdaos ng eleksyong snap para patunayang suportado pa siya ng mamamayang Pilipino.
Nagdaos si Presidente Marcos ng eleksyong snap, kung gayon, hindi para bigyan ng pagkakataong makapamili ng presidente ang mamamayang Pilipino kundi para payapain ang mga maimpluwensyang sektor ng Estados Unidos. Sa palagay ng Presidente, kontrolado pa niya ang sitwasyon lalo’t hawak niya ang mga institusyong panghalalan sa bansa pati na ang gobyernong lokal.
Bilang tugon, iniharap na kandidato ng oposisyon ang balo ni Sen. Aquino, si Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. Hindi malinaw noong una ang kandidato ng oposisyon lalo’t determinado si Salvador Laurel ng UNIDO na tumakbo sa pagkapresidente. Matapos ang mga negosasyon na sinangkutan ni Jaime Cardinal Sin ng Simbahang Katoliko, napagpasiyahang tumakbo sa pagkapresidente si Aquino at pagkabise si Laurel. Samantala, nagkaisa rin ang KBL, makaraan din ang mga pagtatalo, sa kandidatura ni Arturo Tolentino bilang bise ni Presidente Marcos.
Sa mga pagtatalo sa loob ng pangkating Marcos, napaisantabi ang administrador ng batas militar na si Kalihim Enrile. Sa pagtatalong naganap, namayani ang pangkat nina Gng. Imelda Marcos at Heneral Fabian Ver. Sa harap ng pagkakaisantabing ito, kinonsolida ni Kalihim Enrile ang sariling puwersa sa Ministri ng Tanggulang Bansa na kinabilangan ng mga pangunahing lider ng RAM. May plano na sila noon na magkudeta sa Enero 1, 1986 bago ipinahayag na magkakaroon ng eleksyong snap. Ngunit dahil sa eleksyon, ipinagpaliban ang kudeta. Sa halip, naglunsad ang RAM ng kampanya para sa malinis at patas na halalan.
Nagkaroon din ng mga pagtatalo sa loob ng CPP at ng kilusang pambansa-demokratiko kaugnay ng eleksyong snap. Nahati sa panig ng boykot at panig ng partisipasyon ang kilusan. Sa huli, pinagpasyahan ng kilusan na iboykot ang eleksyong snap sa kabila ng masiglang pagtangkilik dito ng mga mamamayang kontra-Marcos. Sa palagay ng CPP, pakana ng diktadurang US-Marcos ang eleksyon para iligaw ang mamamayang nag-aalsa at gawing lehitimo ang pananatili ni Marcos sa kapangyarihan. Sa pagboykot, gayunman, napasaisantabi ang CPP at ang kilusang pambansa-demokratiko na siyang layunin din ng pamahalaang Estados Unidos.
Na ang kampanya sa eleksyon ay ginawa hindi lamang sa hanay ng mamamayang Pilipino, kundi laluna sa kapakinabangan ng mga maimpluwensyang sektor sa Estados Unidos ay ipinamalas ng isang mahalagang hakbang ni Gng. Aquino. Sa susog ng kanyang mga tagapayo at ng kumpanyang Amerikano sa public relations, binawi si Gng. Aquino ang pagtutol sa mga base militar ng Estados Unidos. Sa halip, nanindigan siya sa patakarang “open options” sa usapin ng base. Dahil dito, naging madali ang “pagbebenta” ng kandidatura ni Gng. Aquino sa mga Amerikano.
Sa buong kampanya, napatunayan ang malakas na suporta ng mga tao sa kandidatura ni Gng. Aquino. Ang lakas na ginamit sa pagpoprotesta ang siya ring lakas na ginamit para sa kampanya ni Gng. Aquino. Sa mismong araw ng halalan, Pebrero 7, masiglang ipinagtanggol ng mga tao ang balota sa harap ng mga panlalansi at pandaraya ng KBL. Inamin mismo ni Kalihim Enrile ang mga ginawang pandaraya noong talikuran niya ang pamahalaang Marcos.
Isang linggo makaraan ang botohan, hindi pa rin inaanunsyo ang nanalo sa halalan. Malaki ang pagkakaiba sa bilang ng boto ng COMELEC at ng National Movement for Free Election (NAMFREL) na muling ginawang aktibo para subaybayan ang halalan. Nasira ang kredibilidad ng tabulasyon ng COMELEC nang magwalk-out noong Pebrero 9 ang mga computer tabulator dahil di nila masikmura ang pandaraya sa bilangan. Samantala, ang lider ng kinatawan ng kongreso ng US – si Sen. Richard Lugar – na nag-obserba sa halalan ay nagpahayag ng pagdududa sa naging takbo nito.
Sa kabila ng mga anomalyang iniulat, ayaw pa ring bitawan ng gobyernong Reagan ang pagsuporta sa rehimen. Nang iproklama ng Batasang Pambansa na nanalo sa halalan ang tambalang Marcos-Tolentino noong Pebrero 15, ipinadala pa ng gobyernong Reagan ang isang sugo, si Philip Habib, para lumikha ng kasunduan sa pagitan ni Presidente Marcos at Gng. Aquino. Ngunit yari na ang pasya ni Gng. Aquino na ituloy ang laban.
Noon Pebrero 16, ipinahayag ng milyong mamamayan sa Luneta ang tagumpay ni Gng. Aquino sa halalan. Inilunsad nang araw ding ito ni Gng. Aquino ang isang malawak na kampanya ng civil disobedience, kabilang ang di pagbabayad ng buwis at pagboykot sa mga produkto ng mga kroni ni Presidente Marcos.
Habang gumagawa ng hakbang si Presidente Marcos na ipaloob ang oposisyon sa kanyang pamamahala sa mungkahing pagbubuo ng Council of Elders kung saan may inilaang puwesto kay Gng. Aquino, lumarga naman ang kampanya ng civil disobedience nito. Samantala, ang kilusang pambansa-demokratiko na napaisantabi sa panahon ng kampanya dahil sa posisyong boykot ay naghanda naman para sa malaking pagkilos sa katapusan ng buwan ng Pebrero sa pakikipag-ugnayan sa iba pang puwersang antidiktadura.
Nasa ganitong yugto ng pagtutuos ang mga puwersang nagtutunggali nang maganap ang Pag-aalsang EDSA.
Aralin 3: Pag-aalsang EDSA
Nabigla ang marami sa sumunod na pangyayari. Wala sa hinagap ng mga nagsusuri ang naganap. Hindi ito kabilang sa mga senaryong kanilang inisip. Pebrero 22, Sabado – sa press conference na tinawag nina Kalihim Enrile at Hen. Fidel Ramos sa Kampo Aguinaldo, ipinahayag nila ang kanilang paghiwalay sa pamahalaang Marcos. Dito inamin ni Kalihim Enrile na hindi totoo ang ambus sa kanya noong 1972 na ginamit na dahilan sa pagpataw ng batas militar. Inamin din niya na daan-daang libong boto sa Lambak Cagayan ang ginamit para dayain sa eleksyong snap si Gng. Aquino.
Ayon sa kanya, pinili nilang gawin sa Kampo Aguinaldo at Kampo Crame ang kanilang huling tindig laban sa pamahalaang Marcos. Handa nilang tanggapin ang anumang mangyayari. Batid niyang maaaring mangahulugan ng kamatayan ang kanilang ginawa. Hiniling niya sa mamamayan ang suporta nito.
Ano ang nangyari at umurong sa dalawang kampo sina Kalihim Enrile? Natuklasan ni Presidente Marcos ang planong kudeta ng RAM na nakatakda sa Pebrero 23, Linggo. Ipinagtapat ito ng mga nahuling lider ng RAM. Bagaman di batid ng pamahalaan ang lawak ng plano, gumawa ng mga panimulang hakbang sina Presidente Marcos. Pebrero 20 pa lang ay dinagdagan na ang depensa ng Malakanyang. Inaresto rin ang mga sundalong guwardiya ng Ministro ng Kalakalan Roberto Ongpin na nakatalaga sa Ministri ng Tanggulang Bansa. Dahil sa mga naobserbahang kilos ng Malakanyang, nagbago ng plano ang RAM.
Dahil sa pagkatuklas ng planong kudeta, nagpasya si Kalihim Enrile na magkuta sa Kampo Aguinaldo. Sa harap ng bantang pagsalakay ng puwersa ni Presidente Marcos, nanawagan ng tulong sa mamamayan sina Kalihim Enrile. Nanawagan din si Cardinal Sin sa mamamayan na magtungo sa dalawang kampo at ipagtanggol ang mga nasa loob.Kagyat na tumugon ang August Twenty-One Movement (ATOM) ni Butz Aquino. Nagbantay sila sa pinto ng dalawang kampo.
Kagyat din ang naging pagtugon ng mga tao. Sa loob ng apat na araw, pinuno nila ang harap ng mga kampo at ang mahabang bahagi ng EDSA. Nang dumating ang mga marino at mga APC na sasalakay sa kampo, hinarang nila ang mga ito. Katawan nila ang ginamit nilang barikada para mamagitan sa dalawang armadong puwersa. Mula Pebrero 23-25, tinatayang may 2 milyong mamamayan ang nagbantay sa EDSA.
Dito lubos na namukadkad ang tinaguriang People Power. Iniharang ng milyong mamamayan ang kanilang katawan sa pagpigil sa mga sundalo at APC na lulusob sa dalawang kampo. Naghanda sila at namigay ng pagkain sa dalawang magkaharap na puwersa, laluna sa mga nagkukuta sa loob ng dalawang kampo militar. Naghandog sila ng mga bulaklak sa mga sundalo, laluna sa mga sundalong palusob sa dalawang kampo. Nagdasal sila sa gitna ng EDSA. Kung dumanak ang dugo sa EDSA, malamang dugo ng mga karaniwang mamamayan ang pumatak at umagos sa EDSA. Kung sakaling nangyari ito, tiyak na mahihirapang panghawakan ninuman ang mga susunod na pangyayari.
Habang nagtatagal, kumikiling ang balanse ng puwersa sa mga nasa EDSA. Unti-unti, naglipatan sa panig ng mga nag-alsa ang mga yunit ng pulis at militar. Lalong malaking pagbabago sa balanse ng puwersa ang naganap nang dumating sa Kampo Aguinaldo ang mga helikopter ng Air Force para sumama sa pag-aalsa. Ang lakas na dati’y nasa panig ng rehimeng Marcos ay naagnas unti-unti nang di ito makagawa ng mapagpasyang aksyon laban sa mga mamamayang nagtipon sa EDSA.
Sa Club Filipino sa San Juan, sumumpa sina Aquino at Laurel bilang mga bagong halal na presidente at bise-presidente ng Pilipinas noong Pebrero 25. Nagbuo sila ng gobyerno habang patuloy na nahihiwalay sa daigdig ang pamahalaang Marcos. Kahit ipinahayag ng Batasan na nanalo si Presidente Marcos sa eleksyon, walang gobyerno ng ibang bansa ang kumilala rito liban sa isa. Nahiwalay si Marcos hindi lamang sa loob kundi pati na sa labas ng Pilipinas. Ang gobyernong Reagan lamang ang nagtatangkang iligtas pa ang kanyang pamahalaan.
Bunga ng di pagkilos agad para supilin ang mga magkukudeta habang kaunti ang tao sa EDSA, nawala sa rehimeng Marcos ang inisyatiba sa EDSA. Sa lalong pagdami ng tao sa EDSA at sa paligid ng Malakanyang, muling humiling ng suporta ang pamahalaang Marcos sa Estados Unidos. Sa simula, sinikap ng pamahalaang Reagan na makabuo ng huling kompromiso sa pagitan nina Presidente Marcos, Kalihim Enrile at Gng. Aquino. Ngunit nabigo ang mga huling pagtatangka.
Sa loob mismo ng gobyernong Reagan, unti-unti ring nakapangibabaw ang mga nagpapanukalang alisan ng suporta si Presidente Marcos para maisalba ang kalagayan pabor sa patakarang panlabas ng Estados Unidos. Sa harap ng Pag-aalsang EDSA at sa lumitaw na mga moderatong lider nito, nagpasya ang pamahalang Reagan na talikuran na ang rehimeng Marcos. Sa interbyu sa telepono na isinahimpapawid sa radyo, malinaw ang payo ni Laxalt kay Presidente Marcos – “cut and cut cleanly”. Walang nasabi si Marcos kundi: “I’m so very, very disappointed.” Ganito nagwakas ang rehimeng batas militar. Sa Estados Unidos pa rin nanggaling ang huling salita!
Nang gabi ng Pebrero 25, tumakas ng Malakanyang sina Presidente Marcos. Ngunit hindi pa rin siya lubusang pinabayaan ng gobyernong Estados Unidos. Dinala siya at ang kanyang pamilya ng helikopter sa ligtas na lugar ng Clark Air Base bago itinuloy sa Hawaii. Dito siya pinatira ng pamahalaang Reagan hanggang sa mamatay. Bago tumakas, sumumpa sa pagkapangulo sa Malakanyang si Presidente Marcos noong Pebrero 25.
Samantala, pagkarinig sa pagtakas ni Marcos, lumuha at nagtatalon sa kasiyahan ang maraming nagbantay sa EDSA. Tagumpay ang pag-aalsa laban sa rehimen!
Ilang Sanggunian
1. Ambrosio, Dante L. “Militanteng Kilusang Manggagawa sa Kamaynilaan: 1972-1982 Paghupa, Pag-ahon, Pag-agos,” di-nakalathalang MA Tisis sa Kasaysayan, UP, 1992.
2. Arillo, Cecilio T. Breakaway. Mandaluyong: CTA and Associates, 1986
3. Bello, Walden, David Kinley at Elaine Elinson. Development Debacle: The World Bank in the Philippines. San Francisco, California: Institute for Food and Develoment Policy, 1982.
4. Civil Liberties Union of the Philippines. Three Years of Martial Law. Makati: CLUP, 1975.
5. Javate-de Dios, Aurora, Petronilo Bn. Daroy, at Lorna Kalaw-Tirol. Dictatorship and Revolution Roots of People Power. Metro Manila: Conspectus, 1988.
6. Schirmer, Daniel B. at Stephen R. Shalom, pat. The Philippines Reader A History of Colonialism, Neocolonialism, Dictatorship and Resistance. Quezon City: KEN, Inc. 1987.
7. Seagrave, Sterling. The Marcos Dynasty. New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1988.
8. Timberman, David G. A Changeless Land. Makati: The Bookmark, 1991.
9. Youngblood, Robert L. Marcos Against the Church. Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1993.
(Larawan mula sa joserizal.titobabes.com)
Historical Markers on Filipino Women’s Sexuality During Spanish Colonial Times
By Gloria Esguerra Melencio
The intention of this research paper is to compile data about the Filipino women’s activities, rituals and customs related to sexuality and mark its historical markers along the way from the 16th century up to 17th century.
The paper asks the following questions: What did the Spanish colonizers find out when they first saw the women? How did the Spanish colonizers view the Filipino women through time? What were the Filipino women’s activities, rituals and customs that pertain to sexuality? How did they express their sexual desires? Why were polygamy, concubinage and abortion practiced ? How did the Spanish colonizers wield the Christian Doctrine to conquer the so-called Evils that plague the Filipino women? What was the perception of the Filipino women of the Spanish colonizers?
Why sexuality? Why Historical Markers?
First, the researcher chooses the sexuality aspect of women as a topic because most of the materials gathered about womanhod focus on chastity, modesty, virginity, relationship with men and everything related to her being a woman that involves conception, childbearing, giving birth or failing to give birth.
Sexuality here as the Webster’s Dictionary defines is the “possession of the structural and functional differentia of sex.”
Second, the researcher sees putting historical markers on the important events related to women’s sexuality using the historical process of Spanish colonization as a backdrop while putting forth forward the social issues that have arisen as past and present-day problems.
Third, the researcher categorizes the historical markers as nodal points in the meeting of two different peoples and cultures – the pagan native Filipinos and the Christian Hispanics – and discovers along the way a metamorphosed culture where can be threshed out specific issues of Filipino women related to sexuality.
The periodization, as the researcher discerns, is fluid. It means the event or symbolical object had begun or surfaced when the Spanish colonizers set foot on the islands in the 16th century and continued until the 17th century. Or may have been continuing up until the present time. Further study on the periods that are marked as nodal points in women’s sexuality is a must in the future because it will provide explanations and clarifications as to what had transpired in the past that led the way to where the women are now in history.
Moreover, this is a challenging and an exciting journey for the researcher.
Historical Marker 1: Sagra , the Barrier (Before and After 1521)
Antonio Pigafetta, Miguel de Loarca, Antonio de Morga, and Fr. Ignacio Alcina had written about sagras at different times. Literally translated as “barrier” (sagka in Tagalog), Pigafetta wrote lengthily about it as a “gold or tin bolt as large as a goose quill” in 1521 which less than 100 years later will also find its way in Alcina’s account.
What is more striking though was Pigafetta’s interviewing the men to ask why do they have to suffer such pain – and a little drop of blood, at that – as they permanently keep the sagras pierced through their private parts. Pigafetta writes:
“They say that their women wish it and that if they did otherwise, they would not have communication with them.”
Alcina attests Pigafetta’s account:
“This was done for a greater incitement to carnal pleasure , not only on the part of the men, but especially the women.”
Morga affirms Pigafetta’s findings and also says the Spanish friars made a great effort to eliminate them:
“With this device, they have communication with their wives, and are unable to withdraw until a long time after copulation. They are very fond of this and receive much pleasure from it, so that, although they shed a quantity of blood, and receive other harm, it is current among them… strenuous efforts are being made to do away with these, and not consent to their use; and consequently the practice has been checked in great part”.
Based on this experience, Morga opines that the women are “very vicious and sensual” and describes the use of sagra as “perverseness.”
The use of sagra had also been prevalent in Cambodia, Bengal, Malaysia and other parts of Asia. Pigafetta, Loarca, Morga and an anonymous writer of the Boxer’s Codex describe the early Filipinos’ version of goat’s hair as a sophisticated material for sagra different from that of other peoples. The natives also use 20 kinds of wheels for sagras. The Boxer Codex puts it to 30.
It pervasiveness throughout the region can be proven in a royal request of a Cambodian queen who dissuaded her minions to stop using sagras for an unexplained reason but which Alcina describes as an “unnatural sin” and causes “virulent cancer.”
He even writes that some men died because of sagra but is not clear if women suffer, too, from the cancerous affliction. However, the cancerous infection as a result of foreign objects such as wood, tin or gold inserted through a body part during repeated sexual encounters should be the reason for reported deaths.
Women demanding for this sexual satisfaction is beyond the colonizers’ world view that expects the women to be modest and chaste. While they cannot control totally what is happening between man and woman in their sexual trysts, the colonizers check on the men’s private parts and punish with beating the men who wore them.
Absence of the words sagra, sacra, sakra or chakra in the Diccionario compiled by Domingo delos Santos and Alfonso Mentrida is a silence that speaks a lot. Its visual existence and use was prohibited, and thus the word not spoken, lest the Spaniards punish the natives. The word has lost its use through time.
Related to this, women use lumay (Bisaya) or gayuma (Tagalog), herb mixed with drinks to seduce their beloved into liking them. Alcina admits in his account that he once gave a woman a “good whipping” for doing so.
Again, like the sagras, lumay or gayuma are representations of ancient Filipino women’s expression of sensuality and sexuality that have transgressed the boundaries of Western standards of morality. But unlike sagras that can be inspected in men’s body, the lumay or gayumas are herbs that can pass on as medicinal and taken internally upon prescription of an herbolaria, a witchdoctor or a babaylan. This survives until the present day in history.
Historical Marker 2:Virginity since 1604
The natives have no concept of virginity. Men are not concerned whether their wives are virgins or not. Men are paid to “deflower” the virgin girls. Pedro Chirino in his account says:
“…they did not value virginity, nor set any store by it, regarding it rather as misfortune and degradation.
Virgin girls are brought to the men whose work is to “ravish” them so that they are no longer virgins when they get married. The natives believe that virginity is a “hindrance” and an “impediment” for the husbands during the first few nights of marriage.
Loarca further emphasizes that it was a disgrace for any woman not to have a sweetheart because she is deemed as “ugly” or may be surmised as unwanted. Or is it because it is meant as completeness and wholeness? Alcina cites in his account that a woman who died a virgin or had only one husband is called a bingil (Bisaya) and buried with her is a half coconut shell and a pati (half-ax handle). What do the half coconut shell and half-ax handle mean? Why are they halves? Are round coconut and elongated ax mean the woman’s and man’s sex organs respectively? Can one-half mean there is a need for another half to complete the essence of each other’s being?
In line with this, ancient Filipinos circumsise both the male and female children. Female children are circumcised where a slit is made to ensure there is an opening in the girl’s private part. Again, the purpose of female circumcision is to prepare the girl for less painful sexual encounter during her first sexual act with a male.
But while the outright elimination of sagra is explicitly mentioned in the historical accounts, there is no single account that reveals the prohibition of female circumcision. Sagras had been replaced by the bolitas ; female circumcision was replaced by nothing. The Spaniards point to the Chinese as the source of sagra; they also blame female circumcision to the Moros who are said to be the “source of this Mohammetan practice.”
Historical Marker 3: Slavery of Women (Before 1609 and Onwards)
Fray Pedro de San Pablo, preacher and provincial minister of the Philippines Islands, wrote a long letter to Charles V in 1619 approximating the relatively “peaceful” life of the native Indians before Governor Don Juan de Silva established shipyards and fleets in 1609. The Governor, according to him, forced the Indians to work and conscripted them in “compulsory service” that made this grand plan of ship building possible.
Along the process, many natives were made slaves, “many others were killed” presumably when they refused to be part of the labor force and some escaped to the woods to save their lives.
An item in the letter reveals about the women slaves who were made to labor for the ship sailors and most likely act as sex slaves while on board the ships. Fray de San Pedro requests the Majesty in his letter this numbered item:
“23. Item: That slave women be not conveyed in the ships, by which many acts offensive to God will be avoided. Although that is not prohibited by your royal decree, and it is also entrusted to the archbishop to pace upon them the penalty of excommunication and to punish them, this evil has not been checked; and many sailors – and even others, who should furnish a good example – take slave women and keep them as concubines. He knew a certain prominent official who carried with him fifteen of these women and some were delivered of children by him, while others were pregnant, which made a great scandal.”
Documents of 1609 that include among others a report of the Jesuit Missions confirms the prevailing abduction of women in the inner part of the islands to be sold later as slaves and prostitutes. The report quotes:
“XI. The attention of Ours at Tinagon has wisely been given to the women since they are more ready to take on an interest in sacred things, and are more seldom absent from the village – except when one or another makes her escape from the hands of some procurer, preferring to pass the nights in the forest and mountains in the midst of serpents, rather than at home to suffer danger to her chastity among men that are as deadly.”
Selling slaves – men and women – has been so rampant because it was profitable. Fray de San Pablo even urged the King to issue a Royal Decree to stop the trade as this is “evil” and may “destroy” Spain in the future. He continues in the letter:
“24. Item: That no sailor, and no passenger unless he be a person of rank, be allowed to take more than one male slave…”
He explains that slaves consume the food provision in the ship and also steal while on board. He discloses, too, that they are charged additional tax for each slave when they dock at any port.
Fray de San Pedro likewise narrates in the letter that ordinary seamen are not treated well and die of hunger and cold while working on the vessel. They are not given clothes (they are not used to wearing such because they are from the interiors of the land) so that they freeze and eventually die at dawn). If this is how the seamen are treated, the questions that come to mind are: How are the male slaves treated? How are the female slaves turned concubines treated too? His letter does not mention anything about how male or female sex slaves are treated thereat.
The preacher emphasizes in the letter toward the end:
“If he (the letter writer) were to tell them in detail the evil that is done to them, it would fill many pages. He petitions your Majesty to change your governor straitly to remedy this.”
What is surprising is that decrees have already been issued even earlier. Felipe II and Felipe III in two separate edicts in 1597 and 1608, respectively, prohibited the selling of slaves to Nueva España and ordered the limiting of the slaves’ number while on ship. Felipe III in particular issued Law LVI that says:
“It has been reported that the passengers and sailors of the trading ships of Filipinas transport and carry the slave-women who are the cause of very great offenses to God and other troubles. This should be prohibited and reformed (and more reasonably so in a navigation so long and dangerous)…For the remedy of this, we order and command…not to permit any slave-women to be transported or carried on those ships…”
Abducting a woman is also done to show political strength as what Governor Morales of Jolo did during the same period. He abducted the beautiful daughter of Salibanza, a local datu, that angered the father so greatly. Salibanza staged a conspiracy against Morales in retaliation.
Historical Marker 4: Concubinage (Before 1577 and Onwards)
The Spanish colonizers, secular or religious, keep the native women as mistresses. Sinibaldo de Mas notes in his short-stay in the Philippines that the general weakness of Spanish men is concubinage. They call them despenseras (stewardess) and later, queridas. They may be the laundrywomen, vendors, cooks, modistas, house or church cleaners – all women who serve and make the Spanish men’s lives easier.
Mas, a diplomat and a traveler exposed to so many cultures, has no ill words for the native Indian women but regards concubinage as a normal way of life. He allows the one he is reporting to read between the lines:
“Many keep a mistress…inside and outside the convent. The convent in Filipinas has no cloister, as it is a parochial house. And this fault, if one considers the climate of the country, the circumstance and the ideas of the natives, is to say, truth, the most excusable and the least harmful.”
Mas’ statement pointing to the “circumstance and ideas of the natives” on the issue of concubinage is highly palpable. He excuses the Spanish men from committing such and blames it altogether to the natives.
Earlier, 71 years before Mas’ report, a Pastoral Letter entitled Instruction to the Clergy was issued to the friars in the Phippines imposing rules on the conduct of the Spanish friars in their parishes. The Pastoral Letter in several numbered items reads:
“8. They shall not allow the dalagas (i.e , young girls) or any woman to clean the church; the sacristan must perform this duty…
10. No woman shall enter the clergyman’s house.”
The need for this Instruction item numbers 8 and 10 reveals a situation that involves women and Spanish friars. What is this situation? Why are the dalagas not allowed to clean the church? What has been happening inside the clegyman’s house? Why did the Instruction not mention the problem? Is it up to covering something?
Is the answer to the above questions the reason why the older women, Manang in many Filipino languages, the ones who clean the altar, arrange flowers and do other church chores up until this time?
For the Spanish soldiers who are not required by the Catholic Church’s dictum of celibacy and are not regarded to become the vanguards of morality, Francisco de Sande was proud to write about their “improvement” as regards concubinage in 1577. He reveals:
“ It is desirable that the soldiers should always lead honest lives; but as they are young, and the women in this country are so many and so bad, it is more difficult to correct this evil.”
De Sande’s description of “improvement” among the Spanish soldiers again reveals the existence of rampant concubinage in the Philippine Islands where the men are stationed. Much like Mas, de Sande justifies the sexual affairs but is outright explicit when he claims that because the men are young, the need for sex with women is only but natural. De Sande likewise is clear in blaming the native women’s increasing population and state of being “bad” (“lewd,” “unchaste” and “lustful”) that the men cannot refuse them.
In 1594, a petition was presented to the Governor to act on widespread concubinage. The petition reads:
“There are reports, and even numerous complaints from both the secular and religious sources, and for lack of means to pay the fees, many persons do not marry, but live in concubinage; the Jesuits think that this fee-system is wrong and that the priest should be content with his stipend, at least among the poor, whether Indians or Spaniards; this applies to both regular clergy and to friars; the bishop is urged to remedy this abuse. (The Petition Presented to the Governor by the City and the Encomenderos on the 15th of February 1591, BR Vol. 5, p. 317.)
There has also been cases of native Indian men committing concubinage. One such celebrated case that merited several pages in Alcina’s accounts is Sumuroy’s alleged having a querida. Alcina reports this act necessitated an “admonishment” that angered Sumuroy, a sacristan and son of a babaylan, to high heavens.
He eventually abandoned his wife to live with his querida. The parish priest after hearing this, took the woman away and sent her to Catubig several miles away from Palapag. This angered the native and was reported as the reason for the Sumuroy-led uprising in 1649. He killed Fathers Miguel and Damian during the attack.
Kasaysayang Bayan: Sampung Aralin sa Kasaysayang Pilipino has another reason for the Sumuroy Uprising. It gets out of the old mold and traces the uprising to the general sentiment of the Samareños – having influenced by the native religion – against the conscripted forced labor that had sent many Bisayans (who are the best shipbuilders- Alcina) to Cavite dockyards.
Historical Marker 5: Marriage and Divorce (Before 1582)
The so-called uncivilized natives consider it a disgrace to bear a child out of wedlock. Children born outside of marriage, regardless of rank (datu, maharlika, timawa and ayuey), do not inherit anything unless the father or mother has no legitimate heirs or alive relatives of nearest kin.
Juan de Plasencia says the natives have a caste-like system and laws about inheritance by way of marriage are as varied and complicated. The slaves have a confusing strata that there are a “full-slave”, a “half-slave;”, a “quarter-slave”; aliping namamahay, aliping saguiguilid for the Tagalogs; and tumataban and tumatarampoque for the Bisayans.
They usually marry their relatives but cannot marry those belonging to the first degree of consanguinity. Thus, nieces and nephews are sometimes married to uncles and aunts.
No one marries below his or her rank in the Bisayas but there were cases of cross-marriages among the Tagalogs. A datu and a woman binukot marry in an elaborate marriage ceremony by joining hands together over a dish of rice in a makeshift venue that is made just for the occasion. People of other ranks do not do this ritual as doing so will be disrespectful for the datu and binukot.
The timawas finalize their marriage by drinking pitarilla in one cup. Marriage ritual is done after the symbolical drinking towards the evening. Rich and respectable slaves have this ritual too.
The ayueys or the slaves just say “Let us marry” and they are married without fanfare.
Upward mobility of rank happens when a free woman bears a child from a slave. The children of this union become free provided that the woman is not married to the slave.
Bethrotals of would-be children among friends are a way of life, says Loarca. Punishment and fines are imposed on those who cannot make true with their promise.
So-called heathens marry and divorce each other in ceremonies that is in accordance with their rank. Returning of the dowry of the one at fault (in case of adultery) to the one without blame is enough for divorce. Chirino emphasizes:
“Not even married women felt honor bound to remain faithful to their husbands, although the husbands deeply resented their wives’ adultery and considered it a very just cause for repudiating them.”
A datu can kill his wife and her other man caught in the act of adultery. Minor penalty and punishments are imposed on the slaves for same crime.
On the other hand, a datu who commits adultery pays the wife a handsome amount before final separation. In cases where he cannot pay, his relatives help out in the payment in according to degree in accordance with the kinship. Should the datu fail to pay for the retribution, he becomes a slave until such time that he can pay the ransom.
Dowries are given to the parents as a way to compensate for raising the daughters. Dr. Jose Rizal in his annotation of Morga’s account writes:
“This dowry of one may call it so, represented to the parents an indemnity for the care and vigilance that they had exercised for their daughter’s education. The Filipina woman, never being a burden to any one (either to her parents or to her husband), but quite the contrary, represents a value, whose loss to the possessor must be substituted…The Tagal wife is free, and treated with consideration; she trades and contracts, almost always with the approbation of her husband, who consults her in all her acts. She takes care of the money and educates the children, half of whom belong to her…”
In the Visayas and Mindanao, dowries are “returned” to the giver when the marriage is annulled. But when the parents are poor and cannot produce the dowry back, it is repudiated.
Historical Marker 6: Polygamy (Before and During 1604)
Chirino notes that some of the natives practice polygamy which is not a custom in Manila, Panay and other Islands. They usually have one wife or one husband. Datus and wealthy men are allowed to take on concubines if the wife cannot bear children.
But Chirino got the surprise of his life when he discovers a woman who has two husbands. He narrates:
“I was in the Philippines almost 10 years without knowing of a man married to several women, until I came to the islands of Ibabao and Leyte, for in Manila, Mindoro, Marinduque and Panay where I had stayed, I had not seen any such thing practiced. I had only been told by a certain Spaniard that it was the practice in a part of Mindanao, towards Dapitan, for one Bisayan woman (for the people of Mindanao are also Bisayans) to marry two husbands, and that having several wives was known only among the Mohammedans, who are settled in Mindanao and in Burney. The fact is that it is not a general practice in the Philippines to marry several wives, nor is it common even in those places where it is sometimes practiced. The more common and more widespread custom is to marry one wife only.”
This poses a problem to the priests in the conversion of the natives to Christianity. For if the datus and chiefs are the ones having more than one wife, the Spanish friars cannot dissuade their throng of followers to be baptized in the church. Alcina tells of his experience in his book where he was able to convince the local chieftain to choose his favorite concubine and leave his other wives and were converted to Christianity eventually.
Historical Marker 7: Abortion (Before 1582)
The undated Boxer Codex and Loarca in 1582 record the practice of abortion among the native women. It is universally practiced by ancient Filipinos, according to both of them. The Boxer Codex reports:
“There this calling (abortion) and by massaging the stomach and placing certain herbs the creature later dies and the pregnant woman aborts.”
The natives do not want many children and consider having plenty of them a “disgrace” especially when the man and woman are not married. It is the unmarried who are accustomed to this practice of abortion, reveals the Boxer Codex, for they consider it a “dishonor” for an unmarried woman to give birth.
The Codex likewise reveals that the Moros and the Bisayans “kill” the offsprings. Majority of the women are used to having many births but would like to have fewer children.
Loarca says that the division of inheritance among many children reduces the share of each child. He explains that “when the property is to be divided among all the children, they will all be poor, and that it is better to have one child and leave him wealthy.”
Conclusion: Historicity of Women’s Social Blueprint
The Trend in Historical Markers
Based on the data gathered, seven historical markers related to the Filipino native women’s sexuality had happened during the 16th century until the 17th century: sagra (before and after 1521), virginity (since 1604 and onwards), slavery of women (before 1609 and onwards), concubinage (before 1577 and onwards), marriage and divorce (before 1582), polygamy (before and during 1604) and abortion (before 1582).
Over-all trend during the identified historical markers shows coercion and physical abuse of the native women by the colonizers in the whole of the Philippine islands, regardless of the women’s rank in society or age.
During the first nodal point, Spaniards conducted a virulent war against the babaylans, the embodiment of the paganistic beliefs visually seen in women’s bodies, because they “made every effort so that the Spaniards might not set foot on land.”
As the first nodal point proceeds to the second and third nodal points from 1521 up to 1604 and 1609, it can be gleaned that the colonizers immensely enjoyed the fruits of their sacrilegious labor as they reap left and right profits from selling women’s bodies and taking in control of other people’s lives. This created quite a stir among the native population and instilled fear to the women who do not hold weapons other than the bolos they use to cultivate the land.
Marriage and divorce customs from 1577 up to 1609 showed that the Philippine society regard women as equals with men and that they can freely express themselves sexually.
The colonizers lambast the women for not being virgins as the Spanish friars introduced Virgin Mary as the supposed role model for women and girls.
The names of Tapihan, Cariapa, Tuambaloca (queen of Jolo, 1649-50), and Oley may have claimed a space in the remote pages of history but they were only named because they allowed themselves to be baptized by the Spanish friars. More unnamed and faceless native women had been lost through time either because they remained to be themselves unaffected by foreign influence, refused to be baptized or they squarely faced the colonizers in uprisings and revolts.
Women slaves had been forcibly taken, sold, raped and impregnated. Trafficking of women for sexual gratification can be said to have begun in this landmark period.
Abuse is very common in the provinces. The friars whip the girls and women with a thong, even in the presence of their husbands, who dare not say anything. This is not done in Manila. Women are punished and whipped in public for not going to church even for a day, Le Gentil continues.
A women-blaming syndrome in the course of this research emerges. The blame has always been put on women because they are “many, lewd, lustful, lascivious, unchaste, immodest, immoral, deceptive, weak in mind” and so forth and so on. The concubines or the queridas are the reason for the men’s uprising against the foreign colonizers, as in the case of Sumuroy’s Uprising in Palapag, Samar.
Because of mentioned oppressions at different periods in history that has persisted for a long time, the native Indian women much like the babaylans, hate the Spaniards. Their actions and reactions – that need to be retrieved and again must be read between the lines – deserve another research.
Tracing the Women in History
Tracing the women in history is like separating the grains from the chaff – but this time the chaff is plentier than the grains. It is sieving through a wealth of information only to find out that there is a dearth of data about women that have to be read between the lines. Discovered data must be corroborated and confirmed by other existing authentic accounts as well.
Contribution
The periods are fluid as they are based on existing documents at hand but nevertheless will serve as a guidepost for any future researcher interested on history and women.
Marked event during a certain period establishes its presence and authenticity. The genuine characteristic of the experiences permanently etched in history’s pages becomes now the social blueprint, hopefully, for future reference.
Bibliography
Antonio Pigafetta, First Voyage Around the World, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson (1519-1522), Volume 33, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas de Filipinas, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson (1519-1522), Volume 16, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Miguel de Loarca, Relation, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson (1519-1522), Volume 5, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Miguel de Loarca, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson (1638-1640), Volume 40, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Francisco de Sande, Relation, 1577, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson (1506-1582), Volume 4, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Pedro Chirino, Emma Helen Blair and Richard Robertson, Volume 12, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Compulsory Service by the Indians, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 19, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Documents of 1609, Jesuit Missions, 1608-1609, From Annuae Litterae, Dilingae, 1610. Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, (1609-1616), Volume 17, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000
Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 18, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Reforms Needed in the Philippines, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 18, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Felipe II, Madrid, April 10, 1597, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 17, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Felipe III, San Lorenzo, April 22, 1608, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 17, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Miguel de Loarca, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, June 1582. Translated and annotated in Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume V, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Juan de Plasencia, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume XII, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Fray Juan de Medina, Historia, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 23, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Moro pirates and their Raids in 17th century (Compiled from Various Historians), Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 41, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Pastoral Letter, Don Basilio Sancho de Santa Just y Rufina and of the Apostolic See Metropolitan Archbishop of the Filipinas Islands; Councillor and Preacher to Majesty; Vicar-General of the Royal Forces by Land and Sea in the Eastern Regions) Instruction to the Secular Clergy, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 50, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
Sinibaldo de Mas, Report on the Condition of the Filipinas in 1842, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 52, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.
F. Landa Jocano (Editor), Boxer’s Codex in The Philippines at the Spanish Contact, R.P. Garcia Publishing, Quezon City, 1975.
Domingo de los Santos, Vocabulatio de la Tagala, CD-ROM Edition
Alfonso Mentrida, Vocabulario del Lengua de Hiligaynon, CD-ROM Edition
Cantius J. Kobak, OFM and Lucio Gutierres, OP (Editors), Francisco Ignacio Alcina,SJ History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands, 1668, Volume I, University of Santo Tomas Publishing House, Manila, 2005.
Cantius J. Kobak, OFM and Lucio Gutierres, OP (Editors), Francisco Ignacio Alcina,SJ History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands, 1668, Volume II, University of Santo Tomas Publishing House, Manila, 2005.
Cantius J. Kobak, OFM and Lucio Gutierres, OP (Editors), Francisco Ignacio Alcina,SJ History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands, 1668, Volume III, University of Santo Tomas Publishing House, Manila, 2005.
Ferdinand C. Llanes at Jaime B. Veneracion (Mga Punong Patnugot), Kasaysayang Bayan: Sampung Aralin sa Kasaysayang Pilipino, National Historical Institute, at ADHIKA ng Pilipinas, Unang Edisyon, 2001.
Boxer’s Codex in F Landa Jocano’s The Philippines at the Spanish Contact, Institute of Philippine Studies, Philippine Center for Advanced Studies, University of the Philippines System, 1975.
Guillame Joseph Hyacinthe Jean Baptiste Le Gentil, A Voyage to the Indian Seas, CD-ROM Edition, First Printed in 1769.
(The author submitted this paper as a requirement for Kasaysayan 321 at the University of the Philippines.)
The National Archives: Front seat to history
Leafing through each page of the Spanish documents at the Philippine National Archives (PNA) in Manila can be a great adventure that brings this researcher back in time some 300 years ago.
Each page has a story to tell and speaks to me (in Spanish of course) in the silence of the archives muted by time for long.
Anyone who is allowed to intrude in the sanctity of any document must treat each page with respect as any haphazard or wrong move may break its aged brittle brown parts to pieces; dust had gathered on bundles of documents; termites had eaten some portions; and signs of mildew of yore had invaded pages – despite unceasing dusting, opening and tireless efforts of PNA librarians to save the documents.
It must be the Philippine weather and everyday dust peculiar to a tropical country like ours that threaten these documents to extinction.
Helpful Ms. Naomi Alejo, a librarian at the PNA, says nothing is permanent but the documents in the archives must be preserved just the same because they reflect our sense of history. This is what we lack, she continues. We do not appreciate the historical documents that must be preserved for long.
Writing about the documents, for me, may somehow ensure the continuity and preservation of its contents. For historians, nothing beats primary sources in the archives that are the basis for its veracity or at least, nearer to it, despite the passage of time and anyhow losing the ability to witness history as it unfolds.
Viewpoints vary depending on what framework one has. Educational institutions carry their own framework of history depending on what it has grasped and what it has decided –or not – to pursue. A Spanish researcher who has been staying in the Philippines for a long time opines that the University of the Philippines’ framework has always been time-warped in angry mode and refers the Spanish colonizers as “malo” or bad.
Was there ever a time in history when colonizers had been good? Nevertheless, while historical viewpoints of the Filipinos emanate from “bad” experiences as “rebeliones” and “insurecciones” had been launched, it is now better today to focus on how the Filipinos survived the ordeals through generations.
Examining through the 18th and 19th century Spanish documents one gets this general impression: Amid policies and harsh moves to implement the King’s edicts by the Spanish clergy and soldiers in the Philippines in the name of Christianity and the Patria, the Filipinos’ bravado, resiliency and creativity to weave through challenges to survive had always been present.
The Indios, later Filipinos, were made of hardy stock characterized by what Professor Zeus Salazar identifies as “kabutihang-loob”, “kagandahang-loob” and “kababaang-loob.” We also have the “lakas ng loob” where springs forth our audacity.
EDSA and Convers(at)ions by Edicio Dela Torre
(This is the fourth of my planned 25 blogs for the 25th anniversary of EDSA 1986.)
One way we describe the forthcoming art exhibit about EDSA is that is is a “conversation.”
A conversation about different remembrances and reflections about EDSA. Iba’t ibang paggunita. Also a conversation of different art forms and themes, and sensibilities.
EDSA represents a space and a spirit that acknowledges pluralism, and accepts that there are legitimate differences even among those of us who may be united in our commitment to common goals and purposes.
That is not easy, and especially during the years of repression and resistance. I used to tell friends that during our years in the underground, we felt that we could be killed anytime, or at least arrested. That sense, together with the intensity of our convictions, led to wanting “every conversation to end in a conversion.”
The parenthesis in convers(at)ion tries to capture this.
Ironically, something similar operated in the ranks of the military, especially the intelligence community. One day in Camp Bago Bantay, after the commanding officer wound up our conversation, he said, “When I get back to the office, my staff will ask if I have managed to convince you.” He added that if he told the truth, that he didn’t convince me, then his staff would conclude, without telling him outright, that it must have been I who succeeded in convincing him.
“For us,” he said, “every conversation is a form of combat.”
I smiled then, and said that a conversation can simply end with each one of us holding on to our original views, plus getting some insight into an opposite view.
And yet, even now, that is not easy to accept, especially among those who hold deep convictions. The martyred Caloy Tayag, who studied to be a Benedictine monk, used to say that we Christians in the revolutionary movement have to “combine the Catholic principle and the Protestant principle.”
For him the Catholic principle is represented by the belief that “this is the right road, and no other.” But the strength of that commitment and certainty is accompanied by the weakness of intolerance, or at least impatience, at those who fail to be persuaded or convinced. The extreme form is excommunication, which in certain times led to execution.
The Protestant principle is more liberal, believing that “the Spirit blows where it wills.” But there are limits to this ecumenical tolerance. During a visit to Geneva, I observed casually that “it is easy to be liberal and tolerant when we think that little is at stake.” But it’s more difficult when we hold “passionate convictions” about what we consider significant.
The spirit of EDSA is not about diluting our commitments and convictions for the sake of “living together in diversity” which is one of the four pillars of learning for the 21st century in the Delors report. The spirit of democratic dialogue is based on the truth that no one has a monopoly of the truth, much less of commitment.
Peter Senge proposes a distinction between “dialogue” and “discussion” which he says sounds like percussion, or the attitude that we debate in order to defeat or browbeat the other. Dialogue (dia-logos in Greek) on the other hand is “thinking through together” to find a way forward.
Ugat ng kahirapan
MULING ipinaalala sa atin ng Social Weather Stations (kahit ganun ang pangalan nila, hindi lagay ng panahon ang sinusukat nila kundi lagay ng lipunan) na marami sa atin ang nagugutom.
Nitong huli, 3.4 milyong pamilyang Pinoy daw ang nakararanas ng gutom at mas marami sila kumpara sa nakaraang taon na 3 milyong pamilya “lamang” ang nagugutom. Sa madaling salita, dumarami silang parang kabute.
Hindi naman nakakagulatang ang resulta ng sarbey na ito. (Ang ipinagtataka ko lang e kung bakit hanggang ngayon e hindi pa ako nakakikita ni anino man lang ng kumukuha ng sarbey at hindi pa ako natatanong kahit kelan.) Tumingin ka lang sa paligid mo e alam mo na agad ang sagot ng mga tinatanong sa sarbey. Ang nakapagtataka e kung bakit patuloy na dumarami ang mahihirap gayong dapat e nagkakamatayan na sila sa gutom. Sa halip na mabawasan, lalo silang nadaragdagan.
At ang tinutukoy pa lang dito e yung mga nagsasabing nakararanas sila ng gutom. Ayon pa rin sa SWS, 9.2 milyong pamilya ang nagsasabing pakiramdam nila e mahirap sila at 6.7 pamilya ang nagsasabing kapos sila sa pagkain.
Kung mga aktibista ang tatanungin, imperyalismo, pyudalismo at burukrata-kapitalismo ang ugat ng kahirapan. Kung magtatanong ka naman sa mga tao sa kalsada, iba’t ibang sagot ang makukuha mo. Merong magsasabing tamad ang Pinoy, walang disiplina, walang tiyaga, makasarili, walang pinag-aralan at walang pagpapahalaga sa hinaharap.
May konting katotohanan naman ang mga ito, pero konti lang talaga. Kung ako ang tatanungin… teka, hindi n’yo na nga pala ako kelangang tanungin, sasabihin ko na lang ang alam kong ugat ng kahirapan: Kamote.
Oo, ito ang halamang ugat na pagkain ng mahirap. Ito ang ugat para sa mahirap pa sa tao.
Maraming biyaya ang kamote sabi nga ng mga mananaliksik. Mayaman ito sa Vitamins A at C at mabisang antioxidant o panlaban sa kanser.
Ipinakakain ito sa mga may problema sa tiyan at bituka at sa mga mababa ang presyon ng dugo. Mabuti rin ito sa mga gustong magpapayat.
Katunayan, ipinayo nga Department of Agriculture na magsanay na tayong kumain ng kamote para mabawasan ang sobrang pag-asa natin sa bigas na kinakailangan pa nating angkatin mula sa ibang bansa.
Ngayong may problema ang mga bansang nag-eeksport ng bigas dahil sa mga natural na kalamidad, lalong higit na kailangang bawasan natin ang sobrang pag-asa sa pagkaing ito. Nangunguna pa naman tayo sa pag-iimport ng bigas sa buong mundo.
Kamakailan e sinabi na nga ng NFA na aangkat ulit tayo ng bigas ngayong taon at meron na tayong quota mula sa Vietnam.
Ang problema nga lang e kung paano sasanayin ang mga Pinoy na palitan ng kamote ang bigas. Mukhang imposible itong mangyari dahil marami sa atin ang hindi kuntento kapag hindi nakakain ng kanin.
Isa pang nakakabawas sa halina ng kamote e ang nangyayaring “pagpapalipad ng hangin” pagkatapos itong kainin. Hmmm!
Phl Embassy in London warns anew against dubious online offers
The Philippine Embassy in London has reiterated its warning to Filipinos on dubious online job offers today.
The Philippine Nurses Association-United Kingdom (PNA-UK) reported to the Embassy that the new illegal recruitment scheme involves online job offers sent by email to prospective victims, mainly nurses, who have previously submitted their resumes in public job search websites.
In this new modus operandi, the alleged employer and/or his solicitor (lawyer) sends the victim successive emails containing a job offer, a Contract of Agreement with a very attractive wage and benefits package, a Certificate of Employment, and a blank Certificate of Good Moral Character.
Upon submission of documentary requirements, detailed payment procedures of processing fees via wire transfer are then sent to the victim.
The employer’s solicitor usually identifies him/herself as a member of a prominent legal firm or as an employee of the High Court. In some cases, the employer sends photographs of his family in the UK via email in an attempt to assure the applicant that the process is legitimate.
Once the applicant has paid the fees, the employer and the solicitor terminate all contact with the victim.
This modus operandi is similar to other online scams the Embassy earlier reported involving job offers for nannies, au pair, hotel staff, store managers, salespersons and engineers.
The public is advised to always verify job offers to the UK with the Philippine Overseas Employment Agency (POEA).
They may likewise send a request for job offer verification to the Philippine Overseas Labor Office (POLO) at polo.london@yahoo.co.uk or embassy@philemb.co.uk.
MV Eagle hijacked with 24 Fils on board
The Department of Foreign Affairs Office of the Undersecretary for Migrant Workers Affairs (DFA-OUMWA) received confirmed reports that a bulk carrier with 24 Filipino seafarers was hijacked in the Gulf of Aden last January 17.
Somali pirates seized the Cyprus-flagged, Greek-owned MV Eagle 490 nautical miles southwest of Salaam, Oman.
The vessel’s local manning agency reported to the DFA-OUMWA that the 24 Filipino crew on board the carrier are all safe and unharmed.
The families of the Filipino seafarers have been apprised of the incident.
The DFA-OUMWA is closely coordinating with the Philippine Embassies in Manama, Nairobi, and Athens, as well as the vessel’s local manning agency for any further developments, the DFA press statement said.
It further said the Philippine government has undertaken measures to minimize the exposure of Filipino seafarers to piracy attacks, including making arrangements with ship principals and manning agencies for vessels to travel along a safety corridor that the friendly foreign navies patrol, and taking up the issue of maritime safety and security in the Gulf of Aden and in the Indian Ocean before the United Nations and other international organizations.
The Philippine government also deployed last year a naval liaison officer with the Combined Maritime Fleet in Manama, which coordinates the naval patrols.
Somalian pirates are holding a total of 119 Filipino seafarers onboard 11 vessels to date.
Santo Nino takes center stage in Philippines
(CathNews Philippines)
FILIPINOS celebrated the feast of Santo Nino (Child Jesus) on Sunday with colorful parades, fluvial processions, street dancing and other festive rites in different parts of the Philippines.
In the central Philippine city of Cebu, the faithful held the “Sinulog” in honor of Señor Santo Niño, the oldest festival in the country.
Also in central Philippines, the crowds gathered for the “Ati-Atihan” in Aklan province, “Biniray” in Romblon, “Binirayan” and “Handugan” in Antique, and “Dinagyang” in Iloilo. In Southern Philippines it’s the “Pachada Senor” in Cagayan de Oro City, “Kahimunan” in Butuan City and “Zambulawan” in Pagadian City.
Similar festivities were also held in the northern provinces of Bulacan, Ilocos Norte and Pangasinan.
In Metro Manila, the center of celebration was the Santo Niño de Tondo Parish in Tondo, Manila, where large crowds of devotees attended the hourly Masses, held a procession of Santo Nino images and celebrated the “Lakbayaw” street dancing and festivities.
| Dancers from Visayas and Mindanao join the annual Sinulog street dancing festival in Cebu City in honor of the Child Jesus during Sunday’s feast of the Santo Nino. (Photo by Joe Torres) |
Devotees flock to Cebu for Sinulog Festival
By Emmanuel Mongaya (UCANews, Cebu City)
Tourists and devotees of the Santo Niño or the Child Jesus have started arriving in the central Philippine province of Cebu to join the week-long religious celebration dubbed the “Sinulog.”
The festival will culminate on Jan. 16 with a grand parade through a 4.5km route across Cebu city, featuring festival giants, colorful floats and marching bands.
A day before the grand parade, a 7km solemn procession in honor of the Child Jesus will highlight the end of the nine-day novena at the Basilica del Santo Niño.
Other activities of the 10-day festival include the grand coronation night of the Miss Cebu pageant, the Cebu Pop Music Festival, trade fairs, a parade along the river, street parties and a short-film festival.
The first batch of 32 “balikbayans” or returning Filipinos arrived at Mactan-Cebu International Airport last week, while 200 more are expected on Jan. 13, said Cinbeth Orellano of the Cebu City Tourism Commission.
While tourists booked into hotels and resorts, the poorer devotees from nearby provinces have started setting up tents near the church of the Child Jesus at Fort San Pedro.
Over a million devotees usually crowd the streets of Cebu during the religious procession and the grand Sinulog parade. Police said they expect a crowd of over two million people this year.
The Sinulog is a traditional dance that natives of Cebu offer to their gods before Portuguese explorer Fernando de Magallanes or Ferdinand Magellan gifted the queen of Cebu the image of the Child Jesus when she was baptized a Christian.
-Photo from www. sinulog.ph