Ople Center wants jobs for Mindanao refugees
The Blas F. Ople Policy Center, a non-government organization actively involved in helping distressed overseas Filipino workers, called on the government to provide emergency employment and livelihood assistance to displaced families in Basilan and Zamboanga Sibugay as a preventive measure against human trafficking and illegal recruitment.
Former labor undersecretary Susan Ople, president of the BFO Center, noted that conflict areas in Mindanao have become a fertile ground for human trafficking activities due to lack of jobs and economic opportunities.
“Most of the OFWs back from Syria and Jordan who have sought our help come from conflict-ridden areas in Mindanao. They were promised jobs as domestic helpers in Syria or Jordan for US$200 a month and they accepted such offers without knowing where these countries are or what their rights were as migrant workers,” Ople said.
One of the OFWs currently seeking help from the Ople Center for rescue and repatriation from Syria hails from Isabela City, Basilan. In her letter to the Ople Center, a 23-year old OFW named “Liza” said she and other recruited women left Zamboanga for Manila and then were brought to the Diosdado Macapagal International Airport. They were instructed to hide their working visas in a packet of sanitary napkins for retrieval once the board the plane. “Liza” thought she was headed for Jordan but realized that her papers were meant for Syria.
The anti-trafficking advocate expressed fears that the continued escalation of hostilities in Mindanao would lead to an even higher incidence of human trafficking in the region.
The OFW advocate disagreed with calls for an all-out war policy in Mindanao. “When the body count keeps rising, it is difficult for the concerned parties to keep emotions in check because the pain is very raw and the anger very real. Unfortunately, there are syndicates that are actually out to profit from the pain and sufferings of others.”
She said the Ople Center supports the proposal of Senator Antonio Trillanes for a Senate probe into the Basilan encounter so that the families of slain soldiers can have the answers that they deserve. “This may be the time for policy-makers and legislators to agree on a unified approach to our collective dream of a peaceful and progressive Mindanao.”
From highways to alleys: Tartanillas survive despite Cebu City’s restrictions
The tartanilla, Cebu City’s version of the horse-drawn carriage or calesa, is past its heyday.
Jeepneys and taxis are the preferred mode of transport in the city today. Add to that the tricycles, pedicabs and motorcycles-for-hire also competing to share in the commuter traffic in Cebu’s streets.1
More than half a century ago, when taxis were absent and jeepneys were few, the tartanilla was king of the road. It was the main form of transportation around downtown Cebu City and in the neighboring suburbs.
Slowly modernization crawled in. Motorized transport, which is more efficient than horsepower, became a growing business enterprise. Commuter preference for speed and convenience also followed: the passengers began vacating the familiar seats of the tartanilla, or rig, after the Second World War when Cebu’s streets were slowly invaded by motorized transport.2
Competition came from downtown jeeps, taxis and tricycles for commuter service. “Downtown jeeps, like Daitsun, Daitsu, etc. could enter smaller and narrower roads like rigs.” And their fares were only slightly higher than rig fare. Taxis were also preferable because these can travel faster and can bring passengers to their doorstep; a former advantage offered only by the tartanilla. Some families even bought mini-cars and motorcycles by installments for private use.3
Without patrons, earnings dwindled. A significant number of rig drivers or cocheros gave up their means of living. Without renters, rig owners let their carriages deteriorate; old rigs were left in disrepair and only a few new ones were constructed. The tartanilla business was on a downturn. The rig numbers dwindled as did the routes they ply. Slowly they were squeezed into a few streets in the downtown. Many a stubborn cochero and rig owner finally gave up, but others still stuck their necks out; either they were the most determined or the most needy. Their horses kept on clip-clopping in the few remaining tartanilla bailiwicks: the streets from Carbon and Taboan leading to Duljo, Mambaling and A. Lopez.
Percy Ruita Jamin, in a study of the tartanilla industry of Cebu City in 1974, cited additional reasons besides the increase of motorized vehicles for the decline of the tartanilla4:
“[1.] Ordinance prohibiting the entrance of the tartanilla in some streets of the city
[2.] Uplift of the educational standards of the children (of cocheros)
[3.] Centennial celebration (of Cebu City) in 1965
[4.] High cost of feeds
[5.] Establishment of Big Firms”
Besides the competition offered by taxis and jeeps, she also listed the following as problems faced by the rig industry at that time:
“[1.] High cost of horse feeds
[2.] Lack of government incentive
[3.] Fare remains steady
[4.] Bad Weather”
Two of the reasons for the decline of the tartanilla industry were government imposed: the ban on some streets and the centennial celebration. Also, two of the problems faced by the diminished tartanilla in 1974 were government inflicted: absence of government support and no fare increase. These government-imposed and inflicted factors, continued in the succeeding years, caused the further decline of this service. The government did have a hand in the decline of this transport industry.
This paper argues that the city government’s increasing restrictions of the tartanilla operations contributed to its slide from its primary position in Cebu City’s transportation system. It shows that with each restrictive city ordinance, policy or decree imposed on the rig industry, the number of tartanilla units had decreased and the number of routes had reduced. The paper traces the Cebu City government’s regulation of the tartanilla beginning after the Second World War up to the 1990s. After the 90s, the council no longer enacted additional restrictive measures because the tartanillas were already too few for them to bother with.
When the tartanilla was king
However, in the 1940s and 50s, the tartanilla was still king of the road; it was the primary form of transport within Cebu City. The number of units were growing from around 1,500 in the 50’s to almost 2,500 in the 60’s.5 In 1960, there were 2,425 rigs plying the city.6
The tartanilla would take you anywhere in the city and its suburbs.7 Similar to the taxi, it did not follow a line or route but may take its passenger to any destination in the city based on these rates in 19458:
“I – Within city limits – P0.10 per capita
II – Beyond city limits – P0.10 per capita plus P0.05 for every additional kilometer
III – By the hour – P0.60 for the first 30 minutes or less. Over 30 minutes but not over one (1) hour, P1.00 and for every additional hour or fraction thereof, P0.75
IV – By City Limits is meant that area of Cebu City comprised within and bounded by Carlock , Tres de Abril, Mango Avenue and Martires streets and the sea. Passengers using rigs beyond these limits shall be subject to Tariff No. II.”
Three years later, changes were made on the fare schedule. Fare for additional kilometers was increased from P0.05 to P0.10 beyond city limits; and city limits was redefined as “within Tuti – Calamba Streets, P. del Rosario – Imus Streets, Martires – T. Padilla Streets and the sea or water front.”9
City council conspires against the tartanilla
While the rig transport was on an upswing in the 1950s, the city council suddenly applied the brakes to the momentum of growth. Beginning at the closing years of the decade and pursuing it in the decades thereafter, the council successively imposed restrictive ordinances on the transport; it was overtly campaigning against the tartanilla.
“This is a kind of industry which the government endeavors to eliminate and they are doing this by installments. City planners are planning to ease out this industry. According to them, this industry does not give a good image to the city,” says Jamin.10 The reasons cited by the city officials for their desire to limit, if not abolish, the rigs were11:
“1. hazard to traffic;
2. horses sometimes are hard to control, when restless become uncontrollable;
3. source of waste matters, a hazard to health; and
4. bad image to visitors of the city.”
They then enacted corresponding ordinances to respond to these problems; ordinances which led to the decline of the tartanilla as transport.
Anti-horse manure ordinance
In 1958, civic organizations lead by the Board of Directors of Zapatera Elementary School Parents Teachers Association petitioned the city council to act on a unique Cebuano problem — horse manure. It was a grave garbage and pollution problem at that time. The council estimated 5,000 kilos of manure being scattered around the city daily (a kilo per horse for the 5,000 horses). When dried and pulverized, it was blown about and mixed with the air they breathe.12
The council responded with an anti-horse manure ordinance. All rigs must carry a receptacle for the manure and the driver must stop the rig and pick-up the manure as discharged by the horse.13 That ingenious contraption attached behind the butt of the horse today which captures the waste as it is released by the animal was not yet used at that time by the Cebuanos.
So far, no restriction which limited tartanilla operations due to the health risks posed by horse manure was enacted. But later on, the health risks would be cited by the government in passing another law that further restricted tartanilla service.
Limitation of the number of rigs
The more immediate and direct problem faced by the rig owners and drivers was the view held by the city council that the tartanilla was the main cause of the worsening traffic congestion. The only way to go, most councilors believed, was to limit the rig operations or ultimately abolished it.
In 1961, the city council delivered a big blow to tartanilla operation — Ordinance no. 328. The ordinance barred further growth of the number of tartanillas by limiting the number of rigs allowed to operate in the city at 2,500. The 2,425 rigs who were registered in the previous year would be the ones renewed their registration, while the first to apply for licenses in 1961 would be given the remaining 75 slots.14 No more licenses will be issued over 2,500.
Why this drastic measure? At this time the rigs were still the dominant form of transport in Cebu; tricycles and pedicabs were few. A well-traveled Bureau of Lands employee observed that Cebu has the most number of tartanillas in the Philippines. The city council, searching for a solution to traffic problems, saw the numerous tartanillas as the cause of the problem. They believed that these century-old carriages should be replaced by a more efficient form of transportation. They were thinking of scooters as replacement.15 Scooters, or motorcycles, must have been attached to side cars and transformed into the tricycles.
For the council, the scooter was the solution to traffic congestion: 2,500 rigs could be replaced by only 700 scooters, thus decongesting the streets. The proponents of the ordinance, councilors Eulogio Borres and Raymundo Crystal, even claimed that the rig owners and drivers were willing to be converted into scooter operators and drivers. And this conversion was within their means — the cost of a brand new tartanilla (P500.00) was enough down-payment for a scooter.16
But the council plan was not without opposition. In the city’s search for a more efficient transport, there was no need to harass one of the competitors. Councilor Nazario Pacquiao pointed out that the provision on no substitution placed the rigs at a great disadvantage. This provision banned replacement of delinquent rigs and voluntary surrendered licenses. The slots will not be given to new applicants but will remain vacant. According to Pacquiao, the 2,500 rigs allowed to operate will slowly reduce in number even if there are only five delinquent operators every year: from 2,500 in 1961 to only 2,495 in ’62, 2,490 in ’63 and so on.17 And five delinquent operators a year is the best case scenario; varied reasons prevent a rig operator to settle his taxes on time.
The councilor suggested that they allow free competition to take its course instead of giving unfair advantage to the scooters by limiting the number of rigs. If the scooters are really more efficient, they would eventually push aside the rigs from the streets.18 The suggestion was unheeded, the ordinance was passed by a majority decision with one opposing and one abstention.
Limitation of their routes
The city council did not stop with controlling the maximum number of tartanillas; they also prohibited the rigs from entering selected districts of the city. If in the 40s and 50s, the tartanilla operated like a taxi: it could convey its passenger to any point in the city, in the 60s it was already banned in several streets.
In 1965, during the celebration of the 400th year anniversary of the Christianization of the Philippines which was held in Cebu City, rigs were banned from entering some streets like Sanciangko, T. Padilla, Imus-Sikatuna, Bonifacio and various smaller streets near the centennial area. The celebration lasted for a month but the prohibition continued after, forcing many cocheros to quit. The lay-off from tartanilla service during the centennial also resulted to the deterioration of rigs; the units fell into disrepair and decay rendering them unusable. From 2,430 rigs registered in 1964 prior to the centennial celebration the number dropped to only 1,192 rigs in 1966.19
Seven years later another restriction was imposed: Ordinance 801 series of 1972 of Cebu City Traffic Code. “According to Lt. Alfonso S. Perales, Education Officer of the CPD [Cebu Police Department], tartanillas are banned from entering the national highways of the city. The previous ordinances (No. 65) were repealed and the prevailing ordinance is Ordinance No. 801 series of 1972 of Cebu City Traffic Code….”20
The ban from the national highways prevented them not only from entering but also from crossing the highways; making other streets inaccessible. Formerly restricted only in main streets like Colon, Magallanes, M.J. Cuenco and Leon Kilat; with the new ordinance, rigs are now allowed only in Sanciangko, Borromeo, Tres de Abril, Garfield, a certain portion of Junquera, Imus, Sikatuna, T. Padilla, C. Padilla, Aranas, Spoliarium, Carlock, a certain portion of M. J. Cuenco, Tupas, and other small streets. These resulted to more rig owners and cocheros quitting; only 530 rigs were registered in 1973.21
Plagued by the oil crisis in the 1970s, we assume that the government will reverse its attitude toward the rigs because it is an alternative to motorized transport. However, “Patrolman [A.D.] Sayson [of CPD Traffic Division] says that the stringent measures and restrictions are imposed strictly now as before even with the oil crisis because of [the city officials] aim to eradicate this road nuisance.”22
The restrictions continued with another ordinance in 1990. Ordinance 1381 set the remaining streets allowed for passage of the tartanilla.23 It states:
“Section 7. The rig drivers are authorized and may pass only through the following streets any time of the day or night:
a. From the junction of D. Jakosalem Street following Sanciangko Street, Juan Climaco Street up to Forbes Bridge, back and forth;
b. From Taboan Market (Tres de Abril Street) through Sanciangko Street up to the junction of D. Jakosalem St., back and forth; from Taboan Market (B. Aranas Street) through Lakandula Street, then C. Padilla Street to Duljo, back and forth; From Pasil Fish Market through Tupas Street up to the corner of Magallanes and El Filibusterismo Street, back and forth; from Taboan Market (Tres de Abril Street) through Katipunan or V. Rama Street or A. Lopez Street, back and forth; from Taboan Market through Tres de Abril Street, then Carlock Street and B. Aranas Ext., back and forth.”
The city council passed this ordinance in a unanimous resolution. Citing heath risks due to manure, and traffic congestion worsened by the slow moving rigs as reasons, they sent the staggering rig industry to its knees. This time the rig people cared less, or were powerless, to defend. Unlike the prolonged debates in the council session when they set the maximum number of tartanillas at 2,500, no objection was raised. Unlike the vehement opposition of operators and drivers when the council planned to prohibit rigs from entering some streets, they assented to be allowed only in a few. Two years later there were only 437 registered tartanillas in the city.24
A king no more
The downfall of the tartanilla is mainly due to the advance of technology. Motor-powered vehicles are superior to the horse-powered rigs; market forces side with the more efficient mode of transport, the faster scooters (converted into tricycles), and later, the bigger taxis and jeepneys. The tartanilla is just another casualty of progress.
However, the Cebu City government may have hastened the decline of the tartanilla as a form transportation. Instead of waiting for market forces to determine the fate of the tartanilla, the city council passed successive ordinances that quickened the transition from rigs to motorized transport. In its quest to find solutions to traffic problems, it jumped to the conclusion that the rigs were the culprit, and eliminating them would solve traffic congestion (which it did not). Thus it marginalized the rig service through its increasing restrictive ordinances.
The tartanilla may not be king anymore, but it continues to ferry passengers and cargoes along the side-streets of Cebu. It is a preferred transportation of shoppers returning to nearby suburbs from shopping in the city’s three largest public markets (Carbon, Taboan and Pasil) for a fare below the regular transportation. Today, 100 to 200 rigs remain.
While the city is bidding out its plans for a modern mass transit system (either by Light Rail Transit or Bus Rapid Transit); while other Philippine cities have retired their horse-drawn carriages into tourist rides, Cebu’s tartanillas continue to serve commuter needs unsatisfied by regular transportation; it is still a limited means of transport to some inner parts of the city. Our generation will never witness a tartanilla traffic jam again but once in a while you will notice from your jeepney seat a cochero announcing the passage of the one time Cebuano king of the road.
Notes
1These modes of transport are only those which operate within the city. There are also buses and vans/FXs in Cebu City, but these convey commuters to the other cities and towns of the province.
2“The Unsinkable Tartanilla”, Sun Star Weekend, 3 September 1989, p. 8.
3Percy Ruita Jamin, “A Study of the Tartanilla Industry in Cebu City” (MA thesis, University of San Carlos, Cebu City, 1974), pp. 35, 73.
4Jamin, 74.
5Jamin 39.
6Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, “minutes of Ordinance 328”, 16 January, 1961.
7Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, Ordinance no. 65: An ordinance regulating traffic, operation of rigs, registration of rigs and rig driver license, licensing of push cart owner, and the carrying of lights, 20 December, 1947.
8Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, Ordinance no. 2: An ordinance providing for tariff or schedule of rates for tartanillas operated for public use, 12 July, 1945.
9Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, Ordinance 67: An ordinance to amend section one of Ordinance numbered Two entitled “An ordinance providing for tariff or schedule of rates for tartanillas operated for public use”, 9 April, 1948.
10Jamin, p. 74.
11Jamin, 75.
12Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, Ordinance 241: An ordinance providing for the elimination of manures from the city streets and for other purposes, 6 March 1958.
13Ordinance 241.
14Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, Ordinance 328: An ordinance limiting the registration of tartanillas operating within the limits of the City of Cebu to two thousand five hundred rigs only and for other purposes, 16 January, 1961; “minutes Ordinance 328”.
15“minutes Ordinance 328”.
16Ibid.
17Ibid.
18Ibid.
19Jamin, 36- 37.
20Jamin 14.
21Jamin 34, 39.
22Jamin 17.
23City Council of Cebu, Ordinance 1381: An ordinance updating and consolidating the existing ordinances pertaining to the registration flow of traffic and licensing of rigs and rig drivers and providing penalties therefore, 19 November, 1990.
24“Tartanillas”, Sun Star Weekend, 20 September 1992, p. 19.
Works Cited
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu. Ordinance no. 2: An ordinance providing for tariff or schedule of rates for tartanillas operated for public use. 12 July, 1945.
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu. Ordinance no. 65: An ordinance regulating traffic, operation of rigs, registration of rigs and rig driver license, licensing of push cart owner, and the carrying of lights. 20 December, 1947.
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu. Ordinance 67: An ordinance to amend section one of Ordinance numbered Two entitled “An ordinance providing for tariff or schedule of rates for tartanillas operated for public use.”. 9 April, 1948.
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu. Ordinance 241: An ordinance providing for the elimination of manures from the city streets and for other purposes. 6 March 1958.
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu. Ordinance 328: An ordinance limiting the registration of tartanillas operating within the limits of the City of Cebu to two thousand five hundred rigs only and for other purposes. 16 January, 1961.
City Council of Cebu. Ordinance 1381: An ordinance updating and consolidating the existing ordinances pertaining to the registration flow of traffic and licensing of rigs and rig drivers and providing penalties therefore. 19 November, 1990.
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, “minutes of Ordinance 328”, 16 January, 1961.
Jamin, Percy Ruita. “A Study of the Tartanilla Industry in Cebu City”. MA thesis University of San Carlos. 1974.
“The Unsinkable Tartanilla”. Sun Star Weekend. 3 September 1989.
Tartanillas”. Sun Star Weekend. 20 September 1992.
(Photo credit: http://www.gocebu.travel/event/Tartanilla_Festival)
Malaysian Court convicts sex traffickers of Filipinas
The Philippine Embassy in Malaysia welcomes the decision of the Jalan Duta Sessions Court 14 in Kuala Lumpur convicting a Malaysian and his Filipina wife for the trafficking of three Filipinas for prostitution.
On 14 October 2011, Mr. Kwong Tuck Choy, a Malaysian, and his Filipino wife Nancy were sentenced to eight years imprisonment and meted a fine of RM30,000 (US$10,000) or RM5,000 (US$1,666) for each charge per accused, for the trafficking of the Filipinas in 2009.
“The vigorous prosecution undertaken by the Public Prosecutor’s Office of the Malaysian Attorney General’s Chamber is a clear manifestation of the host Government’s resolve in addressing illegal trafficking in persons, particularly its worst form, for prostitution. We are grateful for the full attention the authorities have given to this case,” Ambassador-designate J. Eduardo Malaya said.
The three Filipinas — Dynalyn, age 23; Rhea, 23; and Sarah, 24 (not their real names)– testified against the couple and were later repatriated to the Philippines.
The Philippine Embassy in Malaysia, in a press release, likewise said it looked after the welfare of the accused Filipina, to ensure that her legal rights under local laws were respected.
The Sessions Court, pending the appeal filed by the accused at the Malaysian High Court, allowed the commutation of the sentence, according to the press statement.
However, a bail of RM10,000 (US$3,333) each and other requirements such as a monthly visit to the Sentul Police Station, among others, were imposed on them.
Meanwhile, criminal prosecution for human trafficking is currently underway against Singaporean national Alfred Lim who was earlier doing business in Malaysia. He is facing complaints filed by two Filipinas in 2009. A decision on this particular case is expected shortly.
The Embassy reiterates its appeal to all Filipinos to be vigilant when seeking overseas employment.
It encourages Filipinos to verify the identity and other bona fides of their prospective recruiters with the Philippine Overseas Employment Agency or the nearest Embassy or Philippine Overseas Labor Office so as not to fall prey into the hands of human traffickers.
OFWs sell blood to survive
An undetermined number of undocumented and jobless overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) in Saudi Arabia sell their blood to buy food while some even send the “honoraria” as remittance to their families at home.
It has become the source of ‘daily susbsistence” for some of the estimated 10,000 undocumented and jobless OFWs, according to Migrante-Middle East regional coordinator John Leonard Monterona.
Among them is OFW ‘Roy’ (not his real name), 30, from Tondo, Manila, who arrived in Saudi Arabia to work as a glass cutter in 2009.
“After months of working and have not been paid of his salaries, he was forced to run away from his employer and since then became undocumented,” said Monterona.
OFW Roy is jumping from one part-time job to another like many other undocumented OFWs, Monterona described the situation.
“Mahirap ang walang permanenteng trabaho at TNT. Kaya buwan-buwan nagbebenta ako ng dugo para may pera at remittance para sa pamilya ko (It’s hard to have no permanent job and as a TNT (tago-ng-tago). Thus, every month, I am ‘selling’ my blood to have money and send remittance to my family),” OFW Roy told Monterona.
Monterona also cited the case of OFW ‘Miko’, 38, a store merchandiser in Riyadh, Saudi’s capital.
OFW Miko, according to Monterona, confirmed that he, too, sold his blood in a hospital in Riyadh when he was terminated from his job and could not easily find a job for three months.
“Una, nag-donate ako ng 500 CC, binigyan ako ng 500 Saudi rials. Pagkalipas ng dalawang buwan, 500 CC ulit ng dugo. Binigyan ako ng hospital ng 300 SR. (First, I donated 500 CC blood. I was given 500 SR. After two months, 500 CC again. The hospital gave me 300 SR,” OFW Miko told Monterona.
Monterona said there is nothing wrong to donate flood. “It is in fact a noble and humanitarian act,” he added.
He noted some hospitals in Riyadh have beeng urging its nationals and expatriate workers to donate blood. In return donors are given honoraria.
“We could fully understand the dire situation of our undocumented and jobless OFWs who often donated their blood to various hospitals in Riyadh, though their apparent motive is to get money in exchange of the blood they donated,” Monterona added.
Migrante chapter in the Kingdom has been urging the PH embassy in Riyadh to consider putting up a shelter for undocumented male OFWs who are in dire situation.
The PH embassy has a Bahay Kalinga, a temporary refuge for distressed women OFWs.
(Photo Credit: www.migrant-rights.org)
Phl repatriates OFW who was sentenced to death
The Philippine Embassy in Riyadh reported to Foreign Affairs Secretary Albert del Rosario that Pablo (not his real name), an overseas Filipino worker (OFW), who was earlier sentenced to death, is expected to arrive today.
Upon the request of the OFW and his family, the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) is withholding his real identity. Pablo hails from Manila and worked as a trailer driver in Saudi Arabia.
On 24 March 2007, Saudi authorities arrested Pablo and charged him with blasphemy after besmirching and mocking the name of the Prophet Mohammad of Islam.
Under Islamic Law, mocking the name of Prophet Mohammad is a grave offense and considered taboo in Saudi and the Muslim Ummah (community). It is considered as “apostacy from Islam.” Apostacy from Islam is a hadd crime (crime laid down in the Koran, the Muslim holy book), which is the most serious of crimes under Islamic law. There is a pre-established punishment found in the Koran for such crimes.
He was detained in Al Gurayyat, 1187 kilometers from Riyadh.
On 16 November 2008, the Committee of Three Judges sentenced Pablo to qisas (death by beheading). The DFA and the Embassy provided a Saudi lawyer for Pablo and an appeal was filed on his behalf. Initially, the Embassy had difficulties hiring a lawyer for the Filipino due to the distance from Riyadh and the sensitivity of the case.
On 17 July 2010, the Committee of Three Judges reconsidered their decision and lowered his sentence to five years imprisonment and 500 lashes.
The Embassy made representations with the concerned Saudi authorities and asked for Royal Clemency in favor of Pablo. The Saudi government granted clemency to the OFW.
The Embassy visited Pablo several times at the Al Gurayyat Jail and provided him with the necessary assistance that included paying for his immigration fees and plane ticket.
He was also very happy and grateful to the Embassy when he was informed of the Royal Clemency granted to him.
Pablo expressed his gratitude to the DFA, especially to the Office of the Undersecretary for Migrant Workers Affairs for its unwavering support and assistance during his detention and eventual freedom from prison.
He also expressed his gratitude to Ambassador-designate Ezzedin Tago and the Assistance to Nationals (ATN) Section head Vice Consul Roussel Reyes, ATN Officer Jerome Friaz and interpreter Jamel Haris.
The DFA reminds OFWs in Saudi to be sensitive and respectful of the cultural norms of their host countries to avoid violating local laws and Islamic Sharia.
Pedring and Quiel batter N. Luzon
Residents of Barangays Tungngod and Dugong put together a raft from bamboo and container drums to ferry strangers across the river.
Burnay Bridge was brought down by typhoon Pedring. Burnay Bridge connects Ifugao’s capital town of Lagawe to Nueva Ecija.
With the bridge destroyed access to Ifugao, including the transport of supplies and relief goods, is severely hampered.
(Photo credit: Maribelle Bimohya, Provincial Capitol)
Pinoys can solve corruption, study says
Tracing back corruption in Philippine history, a group of experts at the University of the Philippines says Filipinos in the 21st century can finally solve this problem that dates back from the Spanish colonial period’s polo y servicio which conscripted men, 15 years old and above, to work by force on shipyards and churches, among others. This, aside from the tributo paid in cash or in kind to feed Spain’s growing population of frailes and Gobernador General’s guardia civiles plus the Indio laborers who serve them.
To be exempted from forced labor and separation from home for more than a month, our relatively moneyed ancestors bribed Spanish officials to be listed as sick, lame or disabled while the penniless poor sweat it out, lest they be imprisoned or whipped. From this time, bribery has become a way of life to maneuver one’s way through government red tape; be able to get a business or driver’s license at much speed; or cover up money trails of a multimillion non-existent government project – from the clerk at the bottom rung of the ladder up to the highest seat in you-know-where.
However, no matter how hopelessly systemic and endemic corruption may seem to be, Professor Leonor Briones said solutions to age-old corruption are possible based on the successes of Pinoys, which she highlighted in her presentation of the study recently.
While the Pinoy has the “Divisoria style” of bidding where everyone wants to buy everything at a bargain price, bidding here and there to be able to pocket more money, the “Cory Model”, a.k.a. housewife style, cleaning, managing and checking her own Cabinet has been the best so far. She cited improvement of government systems and procedures, provision and distribution of more public goods and clear rules and regulations are the solutions to corruption, among others.
Former President Corazon Aquino had held each member of the Cabinet responsible in eradicating graft and corruption in the executive branch of government, monitored them and asked for a written monthly report of what had transpired during the anti-corruption campaign, Briones said.
“To combat corruption in a public office , its head must lead the way,” Briones, endearingly called Ma’am Liling at the UP National College of Public Administration and Governance, said.
She also cited as example former Commission on Audit Chairman Francisco Tantuico, who upon finding “irregular, unnecessary, excessive, and extravagant” expenses in the Marcos government, acted immediately and dismissed summarily government officials who had been corrupt.
Department of Public Works and Highways Secretary Regalado Singson quietly removed corrupt officials under his agency that resulted to the decrease of contractors’ price by 20 percent, she noted.
Also a good example of government agencies that had been successful in eradicating “market-centered corruption” are the National Census and Statistics Office, Bureau of Quarantine and International Health Surveillance and the Makati Municipal Government for its traffic enforcement, she said.
Briones likewise cited the National Kidney and Transplant Institute and the country’s Treasury Office for their transparency in their bidding and awarding processes.
While corruption remains a scourge among poor and developing societies, the Philippine anti-corruption campaign has already moved on as number of corruption cases has decreased since 2005, claimed Professor Danilo Reyes, member of the group conducting the study. Its status has changed for the better until 2011. As per Corruption Perception Index (CPI), Reyes said the Philippines ranked 6th among the most corrupt countries in the APEC region, tying with Vietnam; Cambodia ranked 5th, Indonesia 4th, Pakistan 3rd, Myanmar 2nd, and Bangladesh at the top in 2005. From 6th rank, the Philippines has slid down to the 17th, according to the recent CPI, a welcome development.
Topping the list of countries with less corruption in 2011 are Singapore, Hong Kong, Japan, Taiwan and Malaysia, respectively, according to the study.
Back home, the World Bank study recommends that the school system should “inculcate discipline and strict implementation of laws and for the Filipino people to discipline themselves.” It also suggests that the Philippine school system craft teaching modules on cultivating honesty and advocating against corruption from the kindergarten up the tertiary level.
Two successive storms batter N. Luzon
In Ifugao, typhoon Pedring affected 84 barangays, with 1,695 families or a total of 8,723 persons. About 115 houses were totally damaged, 1,634 houses were partially damaged. Four persons were reported dead, 16 injured and one missing. Pedring caused Php7.5 million worth of damage to irrigation, Php12.5 million damage to bridges, Php 4.7 million to barangay roads, and Php 27 million to river flood control.
(Photo credit: Maribelle Bimohya, Provincial Capitol of Ifugao)
Phl, top destination for service outsourcing
The Philippine Permanent Mission in Geneva reported that Trade and Industry Undersecretary for Industry and Investments Cristino L. Panlilio said the Philippines has established itself as one of the top destinations globally for services outsourcing, being second only to India.
He told the ongoing 58th Session of the Trade and Development Board, which oversees the activities of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), that the Philippines’ cost competitiveness, excellent telecommunications infrastructure, large talent pool, strong public-private sector partnerships, and relatively low risk perception are among the factors that transnational corporations considered in selecting the Philippines for services outsourcing.
Services outsourcing in the Philippines includes voice business process outsourcing (BPO), non-voice BPO in finance, accounting, medical transcription, and other areas, and information technology – electronic service outsourcing (IT-ESO).
In 2010, the Philippine IT-BPO industry reached US$9 billion in revenues, and engaged the services of 530,000 full-time employees in financial services, human resources, IT and software development, management services, engineering design, animation and other sectors.
Undersecretary Panlilio noted that the industry now accounts for 60 percent of the country’s total services exports.
In 2011, the industry is expected to generate US$11 billion in terms of services export revenues, and to provide employment to 640,000 people.


