Ang Kasaysayan ng mga Pilipinong Ipinatapon sa Hongkong (1897-1903)

ni Janet S. Reguindin

Social Sciences Department, Miriam College

Panimula

Marahil isa na ang Digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano sa mga paksa sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas na sa matagal na panahon ay hindi masyadong napagtuunan ng pansin. Sa ilang taong pagsasakasaysayan, nakilala ito bilang “insureksyon” sa paniniwalang maliit na reaksyon lamang ito ng mga Tagalog sa kolonyal na pamahalaang Estados Unidos. Dulot ito malamang sa katotohanang ang mga unang nagsa-dokumento ng yugtong ito ay mga Amerikano mismo. Dahilan upang maka-Amerikano rin ang pananaw na madalas na lumilitaw.

Bilang tugon, unti-unting nagsulputan ang mga akda tungkol sa Digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano na nagbibigay-puwang sa kabayanihan ng mga Pilipino at ang kanilang nagpatuloy na pakikipaglaban simula pa sa hamon ng kolonyalismong Espanyol. Isang maituturing na obra tungkol dito ang akda ni Samuel K. Tan, ang Filipino-American War[2] na nagbigay ng bago at mas malawak na mukha ng naganap na digmaan. Binigyang-diin ni Tan na ang naganap na digmaan ay patunay sa kabayanihang Pilipino mula Luzon hanggang Visayas at lalo na, hanggang Mindanao. Isang mapanghawang akda ito na maituturing at siyang gigising pa sa ating interes na tingnan ang iba pang kasaysayang nakatago sa likod ng nasabing kaganapan.

Gayunpaman, mapapansing sa mga lumabas na bersyon ng kasaysayan ng Digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano, palagian nang paksa at pamamaraan ang tradisyunal na lapit ng pagsasakasayayan nito – ang pagtingin sa aspetong pulitikal. Pangunahing halimbawa na ang pakikipaglaban/pagsuko ng mga lider-rebolusyonaryo at ang pamahalaan ni Aguinaldo o kaya naman ay ang pakikipag-ugnayan nito kina Dewey, Pratt at sa iba pang opisyal ng Estados Unidos. Dahilan upang malimita rin ang ating kaalaman sa “pakikipaglabang pulitikal” ng mga Pilipino sa panahon ng digma.

Dahil sa nabanggit na obserbasyon at matapos mabasa ang gunita ni Hen. Jose Alejandrino,[3] nahikayat akong tingnan ang isa pang mukha ng pakikipaglaban ng mga Pilipino sa panahon ng digma. Makikita nating hindi lamang “pulitikal” ang naging pakikibaka ng mga rebolusyonaryo. Maaaring sabihin na kasama rin dito ang kanilang “pakikibakang panlipunan” kung saan lumaban din ang ating mga bayani sa hirap (literal na kakulangan kung hindi man kawalan ng pagkain, damit at iba pang pangunahing pangangailangan) at kalungkutan dahil sa pagkakawalay sa pamilya habang may nagaganap na digmaan sa bansa. Isa itong mukha ng digmaan na hindi madalas nasasalamin sa mga akdang pangkasaysayan maliban sa bahagi itong tinalakay sa akda ni Ronaldo B. Mactal (Hongkong Junta/Comite Central Filipino: Pulitika at Kontrobersiya).[4]

Ano nga ba ang kaugnayan ng paksang ito sa Digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano? Bagamat 1899 pa puputok ang digmaan, masasabing ang pagpapatapon sa mga rebolusyonaryo sa Hongkong (1897) at ang pakikipagnegosasyon dito ni Aguinaldo kay Dewey ay umpisa na ng namumuong tensyon sa pagitan ng Pilipinas at Amerika at ganap lamang itong hihinog pagsapit ng 1899. Taong 1897 din, sina Felipe Agoncillo, Jose Ma. Basa at iba pang Pilipinong nauna nang naipatapon sa Hongkong ay nagsisimula nang makipag-ugnayan sa mga rebolusyonaryo hindi lamang sa Pilipinas kundi sa iba pang bansa. Para ito sa pinaplanong pagpapatuloy ng himagsikang naumpisahan na noon pang 1896. Magpapatuloy ang mga pakikipag-ugnayang ito sa pamamagitan ng Hongkong Junta/Comite Central Filipino hanggang pumutok ang digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano at magtatapos pagsapit ng 1903.

Layunin ng papel-pananaliksik na ito na ilahad ang mga naging hamon  na kinaharap ng mga rebolusyonaryong Pilipinong ipinatapon sa Hongkong mula nang tinanggap nila ang Kasunduan sa Biyak-na-Bato kapalit ng kanilang boluntaryong eksilo sa nasabing bansa noong 1897. Ang pagkakatapong ito ang nagsilang sa Hongkong Junta na siya namang pinagsimulan ng Comite Central Filipino na magpapatuloy hanggang 1903.[5] Tatangkaing maipakita ang naging buhay ng mga rebolusyonaryo sa ibang bayan at ang nagpatuloy na laban hindi lamang para sa kasarinlan kundi para labanan ang kahirapan at umangkop sa dayuhang bayan.

Paghahasik ng Bagsik[6]: Himagsikang 1896 at Paghina ng Kapangyarihang Espanyol

Masasabing ang ika-19 dantaon na ang maituturing na isa sa mga pinakamahalagang yugto ng kasaysayan ng Pilipinas. Ang panahong ito, ayon kay Teodoro A. Agoncillo[7] ang panahon ng pagsibol ng kamalayang makabayan sa hanay ng mga Pilipino. Matapos ang halos tatlong-daang taong pagkakatali ng bansa sa kalakalang Galyon, opisyal na binuksan ang Pilipinas sa pandaigdigang (malayang) kalakalan noong 1834. Kasabay ng pangyayaring ito, naging mabilis ang pagbabago sa lipunang Pilipino. May mga indiong yumaman dala ng kanilang aktibong pakikisangkot sa kalakalan; mula rito’y nakapagpaaral ng mga anak sa mga kolehiyo at unibersidad sa Maynila at maging sa Europa partikular na sa Espanya; at higit sa lahat, pumasok ang liberalismo na siyang nagluwal ng mga makabayang pagkilos upang palayain ang bansa sa matagal nang pagkakatali nito sa pang-aabuso ng kolonyal na pamahalaan ng Espanya.[8]

Bunsod ng pagkakamulat ng mga nakapag-aral na mga Pilipino at paggising ng kamalayang makabayan ng mga pangkaraniwang mamamayan na mauugat pa sa mga naunang pag-aalsa, nanabik sa kasarinlan ang bawat isa na siyang nagtulak upang kumilos para mapalaya ang bayan. Pangunahing dahilan na rin nito’y ang kawalan ng programang pang-reporma ng kolonyal na pamahalaan, patuloy na pang-aapi sa mga indio at ang pang-aabuso ng mga Espanyol. “Sama-samang naghasik ng bagsik”[9] ang mga Pilipino noong 1896 sa pamamagitan ng Katipunan na siyang pangunahing grupong lumaban sa mga Espanyol.

Bilang unang hakbang sa pagkamit ng kasarinlan, masasabing nagtagumpay ang mga Katipunero sa layuning mapahina ang kolonyal na pamahalaang Espanya at mapatunayan ang kakayahang lumaban ng mga Pilipino. Gayunpaman, hindi sapat ang katapangan at kagitingan upang tapatan ang armas ng kolonyal na pamahalaan. Ang kakulangan sa armas, pagkain at gamot ang pangunahing dahilan kung bakit tinanggap ni Aguinaldo sampu ng iba pang rebolusyonaryo ang alok na kasunduan ng pamahalaang Espanya.

Kabayanihan o Pagtatraydor? : Ang Kasunduan sa Biyak-naBato (1897)

Ang kahinaan ng pamahalaang Espanya ay makikita na sa desperadong hakbang nito na pag-aalok ng pardon sa mga rebolusyonaryong magsusuko ng kanilang armas mula Abril hanggang Mayo ng 1897. Kasabay nito’y ang matinding kampanya ng pamahalaan upang puksain ang mga manghihimagsik.[10] Sa kabila ng hakbang na ito ng pamahalaan, nagpatuloy pa rin sa pakikibaka ang bayan. Mula Cavite, dumaan sa Batangas at Rizal, hanggang sa nakarating sina Aguinaldo at ang puwersa ng mga rebolusyonaryo sa Biyak-na-Bato.

Hulyo 1897 pa lamang ay kumalat na ang balitang nasa Biyak-na-Bato na sina Aguinaldo. Hindi nakakapagtaka kung gayon na sa unang araw pa lamang ng Agosto, sa pamamagitan ni Pedro Paterno ay inumpisahan ang pag-aalok ng pardon kapalit ng pagsuko ng mga rebolusyonaryo. Malinaw na hindi kalayaan ang nais ng pamahalaan, dahilan upang hindi ito sang-ayunan ng puwersa nina Aguinaldo. Bagamat nabigo sa unang punta, nasundan pa ang panghihikayat na ito ni Paterno. Sa kabila ng matinding pag-aalok ng kasunduan mula sa kolonyal na pamahalaan, naitatag pa rin ang Republika ng Biyak-na-Bato noong Nobyembre 1, 1897. Halaw sa konstitusyon ng Cuba, inihanda nina Isabelo Artacho at Felix Ferrer ang konstitusyon ng tinawag na “Asamblea General Revolucionaria” o “Kapulungang Manghihimagsik” na nakilala bilang Republika ng Himagsikan sa Biyak-na-Bato.[11] Pagkatapos maitatag ang pamahalaan ay saka pinag-usapan ng kapulungan ang alok ni Paterno. Mula Agosto hanggang Disyembre kasi ay limang beses nang pabalik-balik si Paterno para sa alok ng kasunduan. Ayon kay Aguinaldo, ito ang dahilan kung bakit unti-unti ay naakit din sa alok na ito ang ilang heneral. Bagamat si Aguinaldo ang madalas na itinuturong nanguna sa pagsang-ayon sa kasunduan, narito naman ang kaniyang bersyon:[12]

Pagkatapos ng isang buwan ay muli na namang nagbalik sa amin sa Biyak-na-Bato si G. Paterno, sa gayon ding layon. Sa ganitong layunin at kapaparoon at kapaparito ni Don Pedro Paterno kaakbay ang tatlong galing sa bilibid, ay bumuti at lumakas ang kanilang “influencia” at naakit tuloy ang aking mga henerales. Subalit ang kaniyang iniharap na bagong kasunduan na padala ng Pamahalaang Kastila, ay tila nakaakit na sa marami kong kasamahan sa himagsikan, kaya’t muli ko na namang inanyayahan ang lahat upang talakayin naming ang bagay na ito.

Para sa aking sarili, bagamat kaakit-akit ang ganyang alok ng Pamahalaang Kastila, na maibibilang na isang malaking tagumpay  ng ating Inang Bayan, ay di ako sang-ayon. Ang nais ko’y ang lubusang tagumpay ng ating bayan sa pakikihamok laban sa España o ang lubusang KALAYAAN ng ating bayan. Gayon man, sapagkat ang lahat nang aking kasamahan ay sang-ayon na sa ganyang mapanglinlang na kasunduan, lalung-lalo na si Heneral Mamerto Natividad,[13] noong siya’y nabubuhay pa, saka naisip ko na upang maiwasan ang pagbuhos ng maraming dugo at pagpapakasakit ng ating kababayan, ay napahinuhod na rin ako. (akin ang diin)

Disyembre 16, 1897 nang ganap na malagdaan nina Primo de Rivera at Emilio Aguinaldo ang huling dokumento para sa Kasunduan sa Biyak-na-Bato.[14] Kabilang ang mga sumusunod sa mga pangunahing probisyon ng nasabing kasunduan:[15]

Una: na si Hen. Emilio Aguinaldo, kasama ang Estado Mayor at iba ang pinunong manghihimagsik, ay lilisanin ang Pilipinas at malayang makapaninirahan sa Hongkong. (akin ang diin)

Ikalawa: na bilang pananagutan ng pamahalaang Kastila sa ganitong kapangakuan, ay dalawa sa kaniyang mga henerales, sina Heneral Celestino Fernandez Tejeiro at Heneral Ricardo Monet ang ipinasailalim ng pag-iingat ng ilang puno at kawal ng manghihimagsik, upang sagutin ang pagdating ni Hen. E. Aguinaldo, at mga kasama sa Hongkong, na ligtas sa anumang sagabal o duhagi.

Ikatlo: ang pamahalaang Kastila’s magbabayad sa Pamahalaang Manghihimagsik ng halagang Walong Daang Libong Piso (P800,000),[16] na babayaran sa tatlong sulong sa tseke; Apat na Raang Libong Piso (P400,000) sa pag-alis sa Biyak-na-Bato, Dalawang Daang Libong Piso (P200,000), babayaran sa Enero 1, 1898, pag naisuko ang lahat ng armas sa Biyak-na-Bato, Dalawang Daang Libong Piso (P200,000) babayaran sa Abril 1, 1898 pag may ganap nang katahimikan sa Pilipinas at pagkanta ng Te Deum sa Luneta.

Ikaapat: na ang kabuuan ng nasabing halaga na Walong Daang Libong Piso (P800,000) ay ibabayad kay Heneral Emilio Aguinaldo, at iba pang lider, at ang bahagi nito’y iuukol sa mga kapinsalaang nagawa ng nasabing digmaan.

Ikalima: na ang manghihimagsik ay isusukong lahat ang kanilang mga armas sa pamahalaang Kastila

Ikaanim: na aalisin ang lahat ng samahan sa pananampalataya sa Pilipinas, alalaon baga’y ang pagputol sa kanilang panghihimasok sa mga suliranin sa pamahalaang sibil.

Ikapito: na magkakaroon ng kalayaan sa politika at kalayaan sa pamamahayag.

Ikawalo: na hindi ipapatapon ang sinumang Pilipino sa anumang bintang sa pulitika.

Ikasiyam: na ipagkakaloob sa madla ang amnestiyang pangkalahatan at pananagutan ang kanilang katiwasayan upang maligtas sa anumang paghihiganti ng mga Frayle

Ikasampu: na palalayain ang lahat ng preso politiko.

Bagamat matapos ang ilang buwang pagpapatapon sa Hongkong ay bumalik din sina Aguinaldo at ang iba pang kasama, ang Kasunduan sa Biyak-na-Bato ang siyang nagdala sa mga rebolusyonaryo sa Hongkong upang kanilang harapin ang patuloy na himagsikan at panibagong laban sa ibang bayan.

Sa Kanlungan ng Ibang Bayan: Mga Rebolusyonaryo at Patuloy na Laban sa Hongkong (1897-1898)

Bilang pagsunod sa isinaad ng kasunduan, bago matapos ang Disyembre 1897 ay nilisan ng mga rebolusyonaryo[17] ang Biyak-na-Bato. Mula rito, tumulak sila patungong Calumpit hanggang Sual, kung saan sila sumakay sa barkong Uranus papuntang Hongkong.[18]

Bakit nga ba Hongkong ang piniling lugar nina Aguinaldo upang maging pansamantalang kanlungan nila? Nakita ng mga Pilipino ang nasabing bansa bilang mapagpalayang lugar kung saan maaring mamuhay ang mga idineklarang pilibustero ng kolonyal na pamahalaang Espanya. Ang kahalagahan ng Hongkong bilang bansang kanlungan ng mga bayaning Pilipino ay nagsimula pa sa huling hati ng ika-19 dantaon partikular na halimbawa matapos ang pag-aalsa sa Cavite noong 1872 na naging dahilan ng pagbitay sa mga bayaning Pilipino. Isa sa Felipe Agoncillo[19] sa mga ipinatapon sa Jolo ilang buwan bago sumiklab ang himagsikan ng 1896 at lumikas patungong Hapon noong Abril 1896 at mula rito’y nagpunta ng Hongkong at doon nanatili at ipinagpatuloy ang pakikipag-ugnayan sa Pilipinas.[20]

Nagbigay ng ilang dahilan si Esteban De Ocampo[21] kung bakit sa bansang Hongkong napili ng mga Pilipinong magpatapon. Pangunahing dahilan na rito ang heograpikal na lokasyon ng Hongkong sa Pilipinas. Dahil sa lapit nito sa bansa, estratehikal ang lokasyon ng Hongkong lalo na sa komunikasyon at ugnayan para sa pagpapatuloy ng himagsikan. Ang distansiya nito sa ating bansa ayon kay De Ocampo ay makikita sa patunay ng biyahe ng McCulloch, isang malaking barkong sinakyan ni Aguinaldo nang bumalik sa Pilipinas mula sa Hongkong kung saan inabot lamang ng dalawa’t kalahating araw ang paglalakbay nito. Gayundin, ang mapagpalayang klima ng pulitika (congenial political climate) sa Hongkong kung saan protektado ng mga liberal na batas at may pagkilala sa pagkakapantay-pantay ang lipunan sa ilalim ng pamamahala ng Britanya. Dahilan upang mapadali ang komunikasyon at/o ugnayan sa hanay ng mga rebolusyonaryo. Sa katunayan, ayon muli kay De Ocampo, sa limang taong operasyon ng Comite Central Filipino, hindi ito nakaranas ng anumang suliranin sa komunikasyon. Dagdag pa rito, maaaring tingnan ang salaysay ni Galicano Apacible:[22]

English chivalry inspired the Hongkong government to fulfill its sacred duty towards all political refugees. In our conflicts with some agents of the American secret service the British Government helped and protected us properly, its official declaring that so long as we complied with the laws of the colony and did not violate the avowed neutrality of England in that conflict (Spanish-American War), we could rest assured that we would receive the protection of the British government.

Dahil dito, hindi nakapagtatakang bago pa man dumating sina Aguinaldo mayroon nang naitatag na Filipino Revolutionary Committee (Disyembre 1896) na pinamunuan nina Jose Ma. Basa at Felipe Agoncillo. Pangunahing layunin nito na lumikom ng pagkain, damit, gamot at iba pang mga pangunahing pangangailangan para sa mga rebolusyonaryong patuloy na nakikipaglaban sa Pilipinas. Bagamat hindi nagtagumpay, may pagtatangka rin ang komite na magpuslit ng mga armas papasok ng Pilipinas. Ang Filipino Revolutionary Committee ang siyang magluluwal sa Hongkong Junta na siya namang mabubuo bilang Comite Central Filipino.

Pagdating sa Hongkong agad na idineposito ni Aguinaldo sa kaniyang pangalan ang tinanggap na P400,000[23] na unang bayad mula sa pamahalaang Espanya. Napagkasunduan ng mga rebolusyonaryo na ang halagang natanggap ay gagamitin sa mga susunod pang plano ng himagsikan. Tanging interes lamang ang kanilang gugugulin habang nasa Hongkong. May mga hindi sumang-ayon dito lalo na si Isabelo Artacho na nagtangka pang ihabla si Aguinaldo ngunit sa huli’y iniurong din ng una ang kaniyang plano.[24] Mula rito’y maaaring tingnan kung papaano ba namuhay ang mga rebolusyonaryo mula sa maliit na halaga ng interes ng kanilang pera.

Sa Kanlungan ng Hongkong : Mga Hamon ng Kapaligiran, Kahirapan at Kalungkutan (1898-1903)

Sa naganap na pulong ng mga rebolusyonaryo noong Enero 9, 1898, napagkasunduang hindi gagalawin ang pera sa bangko at ang gugugulin lang ay ang tubo nito na nagkakahalaga lamang ng P12,000 sa isang taon. Umupa sila ng isang malaking bahay (50 piso ang upa bawat buwan) at doon sama-samang nanirahan ang mga rebolusyonaryo, ang ilan ay may kasama pang pamilya. Ayon kay Ronaldo Mactal, mula Mayo 1898, hindi bababa sa 65 ang bilang ng mga naging kasapi ng Hongkong Junta.[25] Dagdag pa ni Alejandrino, malaya ang bawat isa na manirahan hiwalay sa malaking grupo na ito at bibigyan ng 12 pisong pensyon bawat buwan. Gayunpaman, sa hirap ng kanilang kalagayan at ng buhay sa Hongkong, iilan lamang ang humiwalay rito partikular na yaong may mga hanapbuhay doon o kaya naman ay may mga kamag-anak na tumulong sa kanila. Katulad halimbawa sa kaso ng mga Tinio, Natividad at Alejandrino na may dumating na kamag-anak at may kaunting halaga, sapat para magkaroon sila ng hiwalay na tirahan sa nagsisiksikang mga rebolusyonaryo.[26] O kaya naman ay ang kaso ni Miguel Malvar na tinulungan ng kaniyang tiyo na si Potenciano Malvar.[27]

Malinaw na isinalaysay ni Alejandrino ang kaniyang nasaksihang kalagayan ng mga rebolusyonaryo sa Hongkong. Ayon sa kaniya, sa gulang na halos 30, maaaring si Emilio Aguinaldo na ang pinakamatanda sa grupo ng mga rebolusyonaryong ipinatapon sa Hongkong. Sa kaniyang palagay, nasa edad 17 hanggang 18 ang karamihan sa mga kabataang ito at nagmula sa mga may kayang pamilya. Marami sa mga kabataang ito ay nagmula sa mga pamilyang nagmamay-ari ng mga lupain ngunit sinamsam ng kolonyal na pamahalaan kung kaya’t hirap din ang kanilang kalagayan noong panahong iyon. Lubos din ang paghanga ni Alejandrino sa mga nakita niyang sakripisyo ng mga kabataang rebolusyonaryo:[28]

…I could not help but admire those young men as I constantly saw them attired in woolen suits, sleeping on the floor, eating miserably, devoid of all forms of recreation, but always contented, buoyant in spirit and resigned. Esteban de la Rama told me that the unswerving loyalty that he has always shown to Aguinaldo was due to the fact that when he passed through Hongkong during that period, he saw the miserable existence of those Filipino exiles which Aguinaldo shared with them. (akin ang diin)

Kasabay ng kakulangan sa pondo, naging pangunahing hamon din sa mga rebolusyonaryo ang lamig ng klima sa bansang Hongkong kaiba sa klima sa Pilipinas. Dagdag pa na taglamig ang mga buwan ng Disyembre hanggang Pebrero, mga unang buwan ng pagdating ng mga Pilipino sa Hongkong. Dahil dito, isa sa mga unang nakasama sa talaan ng mga naging gastos ng mga rebolusyonaryo ay mga kasuotan para sa taglamig. Ilang halimbawa dito ay ternong lana (woolen suit) at gora (cap).[29] Kasama rin sa mga binili nila ang tabako bilang panlaban sa lamig. Kaugnay ng nakakapanibagong malamig na klima ay ang pagkakasakit naman ng mga rebolusyonaryo. Makikita ito sa mga tala ng gastos na pinambili ng medisina. Kabilang sa mga nagkasakit sina Vito Belarmino, Vitaliano Famular, Emilio Aguinaldo, Anastacio Francisco at Mariano Ponce.

Naisuma naman ni Mactal[30] ang mga gawain at gastos para sa muling pagbuhay ng himagsikan ng mga Pilipino:

Ang listahan ng mga gastusin ay magpapatunay din sa paninindigan ng ilang rebolusyonaryo na ang pagtungo sa Hongkong ay upang magpanibagong-lakas para sa muling pagpapatuloy ng rebolusyon. Ang ilan sa mga nasabing gastusin ay ang pamasahe nina Emilio Aguinaldo patungong Singapore ($15) at gastos sa Hotel Universe sa Saigon ($36). Ang mga gastos sa telegram, selyo at koreo ay nagpapakita kung saan-saan nakikipag-ugnayan ang mga rebolusyonaryo sa Hongkong. Ang ilan pa sa mga opisyal na pinagkagastusan ng Hongkong Junta ay tinta de indelible, $.60 at tinta de copier, $.70 at papel na ginagamit sa pagsulat ng liham, $2.60.

Mapupuna na pagsapit ng Abril 1898, lumaki ang naging gastusin ng mga rebolusyonaryo para sa mga telegrama at selyo. Ang madalas na pinatutunguhan ng mga telegrama ay ang Paris, Pransya, Yokohama, Hapon, London, Inglatera, Maynila at maging sa Tiensin sa Tsina. At pagsapit ng Mayo, ang listahan ng mga gastusin ay malinaw na nagpapakita na naghahanda na ang mga rebolusyonaryo sa pagpapatuloy ng rebolusyon na kanilang nasimulan na noon pang nakaraang buwan. Ang ilan sa mga nasabing pinagkagastusan ay ang tingga ($166) na maaaring gagawing bala, tatlong largabista ($42), pambili ng gamot ($200), 8 ternong military ($28) at telang seda sa paggawa ng bandera ($50).

Sa kabila ng mga sinasabing pagtitipid at hirap, mapapansin namang kasama sa listahan ng mga gastos ay relo at sombrero o kaya naman ay ang pagpapakuha ng mga larawan. Bagay na para kay Mactal ay pangkaraniwan lamang sa mga Pilipinong nakapunta sa ibang bansa.

Sa panahon ng kagipitan, sari-saring kuwento ng kabayanihan ang makikita sa hanay ng mga Pilipino. Pinaka-interesante na rito ang kuwento ni Teodoro Sandiko na habang pasahero sa barko ay nagpanggap na Hapon na kumukuha ng litrato sa mga pasahero upang makalikom ng kabayaran para sa kaniyang biyahe papuntang Hongkong mula sa Alemanya. Bilang pagkakakitaan naman habang nasa Hongkong, bumili siya ng bisikleta upang magturo sa mga nais matuto. Nagturo rin siya ng boksing, buno, at eskrima maging ng iba’t ibang wika. Mga Ingles ang karaniwang tumatangkilik sa hanapbuhay na ito ni Sandiko.[31]

Kaiba naman sa mga karanasan ng mga pangkaraniwang Pilipino sa Hongkong ang mga kinaharap ng ilang opisyal at/o kinatawan ng Pilipinas sa ibang bansa. Kung ang mga karaniwang Pilipino/rebolusyonaryo ay nagsisiksikan sa isang bahay at nagtitipid sa kanilang mga pagkain at iba pang pangangailangan, ang mga kinatawan naman ng bansa marahil dahil sa kalikasan ng kanilang katungkulan ay iba rin ang suliranin. Halimbawa, sa kaso ni Galicano Apacible, ang pagtira sa mumurahing hotel at pagkain sa mga mumurahing restawran ang kaniyang sakripisyo.[32] Maliban pa rito, sa liham ni Galicano Apacible sa kaniyang kapatid na si Leon noong Hulyo 6, 1900,[33] nabanggit niyang habang nasa Amerika ay nakatira siya sa Auditorium Hotel Chicago at nagbabayad ng $6.00 (P12.00) isang araw para sa isang kuwarto. Malaking halaga ito kung ikukumpara sa P50.00 na upa bawat buwan ng mga nagsisiksikang rebolusyonaryo sa Hongkong.

Sa kabilang banda, kasama naman sa mga pinagkagastusan ni Mariano Ponce (kinatawan sa Hapon) ang ilang kasangkapan tulad ng kubyertos, mesang sulatan, relo para sa mesa, 2 kutson, 10 kuwaderno, mga palamuti sa sala, at kumot. Malaki rin ang gastos ni Ponce sa bayad sa bahay, katulong at labandera, maging sa mga libro at subskripsiyon sa diyaryo.[34]

Katulad ng buhay ng mga Pilipinong manggagawa sa ibang bansa sa kasalukuyan, nakaranas din ang mga rebolusyonaryo/kinatawan ng Pilipinas ng kalungkutan dulot ng pagkakawalay sa kanilang mga pamilya lalo na’t pumutok na ang Digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano. Ang pagiging malayo sa pamilya sa panahon ng kaguluhan ang siyang nagdulot ng pagkabalisa sa mga Pilipino sa labas na bansa. Makikita ito sa mga palitan ng liham nina Ponce at Apacible lalo na sa huling bahagi ng 1899 hanggang 1900.[35] Masasabing bago nagtapos ang Comite Central noong 1903, naging suliranin pa rin ng mga rebolusyonaryo ang pondo[36] bagamat sa ilang taong pagiging aktibo nito, napatunayan pa rin ng mga bayaning Pilipino na may iba’t ibang mukha ang himagsikang pambansa, sa loob man o sa labas ng bayan.

Konklusyon

Muling napatunayan sa pananaliksik na ito na hindi lamang sa aktwal na labanan sumabak ang ating mga bayaning rebolusyonaryo. Makikita sa akdang ito na nasubukan din ang kanilang tapang upang harapin ang kakulangan sa pondo, pagkain, damit at iba pang pangunahing pangangailangan. Pinakamasakit marahil ang karanasang wala kang kaginhawaan sa isang dayuhang bayan. Ito ang naranasan ng mga rebolusyonaryong Pilipino sa Hongkong.

Kung tutuusin, maituturing itong ekstensyon ng hirap ng mga Pilipino mula sa Pilipinas noong panahon ng digmaan. Bagamat hindi natin maikakaila na nagkaroon na ng negatibong imahe ang mga rebolusyonaryong umano’y “nagbenta” ng ating pakikipaglaban para sa kalayaan, naipakita pa rin sa papel na ito na naging mahirap ang kanilang pamumuhay sa dayuhang bayan. Maaaring tingnan itong negatibo dahil naantala ang himagsikan ngunit sa isang banda, malinaw rin ang layuning muling buhayin ang himagsikan sa pamamagitan ng pondong nakuha sa kolonyal na pamahalaan. Ang naising ito ay makikita sa uri ng pamumuhay na isinakripisyo ng mga Pilipinong ipinatapon sa Hongkong.

Gayunpaman, kung nakita natin ang ibang mukha ng kabayanihan, makikita rin naman ang iba’t ibang lebel ng pagsasakripisyo ng mga Pilipino sa ibang bansa. Isang malinaw na halimbawa rito ang “sakripisyo” sa pagkain at tirahan ng mga karaniwang rebolusyonaryo sa Hongkong na kaiba sa “pagtitiis” ng mga kinatawan ng Pilipinas sa ibang bansa partikular na nina Felipe Agoncillo at Mariano Ponce. Ibig sabihin, hanggang sa kalagayang ito, makikita ang pagkakaiba ng mga pangkaraniwang rebolusyonaryo sa mga may mataas na katungkulan sa pamahalaan.

Sa huli, kabayanihan pa ring maituturing ang pinatunayan ng mga rebolusyonaryong ipinatapon sa Hongkong. Kabayanihang pinatunayan sa labas ng bayan ngunit para sa bayan pa rin, sapagkat sa huli, ang mga pakikipaglabang ito ang siya pa ring naging puhunan ng mga Pilipino sa aktwal na digmaan/pakikipaglaban.

Apendise

1.1

Ang mga sumusunod na pangalan ang listahan ng 36 rebolusyonaryong kasama ni Aguinaldo na nagpatapon sa Hongkong noong Disyembre 1897:

Pedro Aguinaldo

Tomas Aguinaldo

Joaquin Alejandrino

Celestino Aragon

Jose Aragon

Primitivo Artacho

Vito Belarmino

Agapito Bonzon

Antonio Carlos

Eugenio de la Cruz

Agustin de la Rosa

Gregorio H. del Pilar

Valentin Diaz

Salvador Estrella

Vitaliano Famular

Dr. Anastacio Francisco

Pedro Francisco

Francisco Frani

Maximo Kabigting

Vicente Kagton

Silvestre Legazpi

Teodoro Legazpi

Mariano Llanera

Doroteo Lopez

Vicente Lukban

Lazaro Makapagal

Miguel Malvar

Tomas Mascardo

Antonio Montenegro

Benito Natividad

Carlos Ronquillo

Manuel Tinio

Miguel Valenzuela

Wenceslao Viniegra

Escolastico Viola

Lino Viola

Batis: Dumindin, Arnaldo. Philippine-American War, 1899-1902. nasa philippineamericanwar. webs.com. Abril 03, 2011.

1.2

Talaan ng mga gastos ng Hongkong Junta noong Enero 5, 1898

Pangalan	Kasuotang Binili	Halaga (dolyar)
Benito Natividad	2 kamisa	2.80
	1 kurbata	1.00
Joaquin Natividad	1 pares ng kamisa	2.80
Lino Viola	3 pares ng kamisa	4.20
Maximo Kabigting	2 pares ng kamisa	2.80
Manuel Tinio	2 pares ng kamisa	2.80
Gregorio del Pilar	2 pares ng kamisa	2.80
Wenceslao Viniegra	2 pares ng kamisa	2.80
Tomas Mascardo	2 pares ng kamisa	2.80
Celestino Aragon	1 pares ng trahe (terno)	10.00
Agustin de la Rosa	1 pares ng trahe (terno)	10.00
Joaquin Alejandrino	1 pares na may kulay na terno	17.00
	2 pares ng kamisa	2.80
		64.60 (Kabuuang Halaga

Batis: Philippine Revolutionary Papers (Rolyo 5), ayon sa pananaliksik ni Mactal, 2000, pah. 152.

TALASANGGUNIAN

Primaryang Batis

Aguinaldo, Emilio. Mga Gunita ng Himagsikan. Maynila: Christina Aguinaldo Suntay (Publisher). 1964.

____________. “True Account of the Philippine Revolution” nasa Mauro Garcia (patnugot). Aguinaldo in Retrospect (A Volume Issued to Commemorate the Century of General Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy with Documents on the Philippine-American War, 1898-1901 and the First Philippine Republic). Maynila: Philippine Historical Association. 1969.

Alejandrino, Jose. The Price of Freedom (La Senda del Sacrificio), Episodes and Anecdotes of our Struggles for Freedom. Maynila: M. Colcol and Company. 1949.

Ponce, Mariano. Cartas Sobre La Revolucion. Salin nina Ma. Luisa T. Camagay at Wystan dela Peña. Quezon City: Sentro ng Wikang Filipino, Office of Research Coordination, Unibersidad ng Pilipinas. 1997.

Sheridan, Richard Brinsley. The Filipino Martyrs, A Story of the Crime of February 4, 1899. John Lane: The Bodley Head, London and New York, 1900. Muling inilathala sa Pilipinas ng Malaya Books Inc. 1970.

Turot, Henri. First Philippine President, 1898-1901, Emilio Aguinaldo (translated from French by Pacifico A. Castro). Paris. 1900 nasa Eyewitness Accounts in 1900 of the Philippine Revolution, The Philippine-American War and the United States Occupation of the Philippines by a French Journalist and a British Observer.

Whitmarsh, Phelps. “Through Filipino Eyes: An Authorized Interview with the President of the Filipino Junta at Hong Kong” nasa The Outlook. Tomo 63. Bilang 4. Disyembre 2, 1899.

Wildman, Edwin. Aguinaldo: A Narrative of Filipino Ambitions. Boston: Lothrop Pub. 1901.

Aguinaldo’s Odyssey (As Told in the Diaries of Col. Simeon Villa and Dr. Santiago Barcelona). Manila: Publications of the Bureau of Public Libraries. 1963.

Sekondaryang Batis

Agoncillo, Teodoro A. History of the Filipino People, 8^th Edition. Quezon City: Garotech Publishing. 1990.

______________. “On Aguinaldo” (Paper read at the program held under the auspices of the Philipine Historical Association to Commemorate the 97^th Birth Anniversary of General Emilio Aguinaldo on March 22, 1966).

Alzona, Encarnacion. Galicano Apacible: Profile of a Filipino Patriot. Philippines: Apacible Family. 1970.

De Ocampo, Esteban with the collaboration of Alfredo B. Saulo. First Filipino Diplomat, Felipe Agoncillo (1859-1941). Manila: National Historical Institute. 1994.

Dumindin, Arnaldo. Philippine-American War, 1899-1902. nasa philippineamericanwar. webs.com. Abril 03, 2011.

Fabella. Gabriel F. “The Role of Aguinaldo in History” (Paper read at the program held under the auspices of the Philipine Historical Association to Commemorate the 97^th Birth Anniversary of General Emilio Aguinaldo on March 22, 1966).

Mactal, Ronaldo B. Hongkong Junta/Comite Central Filipino: Pulitika at Kontrobersiya. Maynila: De La Salle University Press. 2000.

Navarro, Atoy at Ryan Palad. Tayabas: Pagmumulat sa Kasaysayan, Himagsikan at Sentenaryo. Quezon City: Limbagang Pangkasaysayan. 1998.

Reysio-Cruz, Amelita. Gen. Miguel Malvar: The Biography of a Consummate Filipino. Manila: National Historical Institute. 1998.

Schumacher, John. The Making of a Nation: Essays on 19^th Century Philippine Nationalism. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 1991.

Tan, Samuel K. Filipino-American War, 1899-1913. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press. 2002.

---

[1] Papel na ipinasa kay Dr. Ma. Luisa T. Camagay, bilang tugon sa mga pangangailangan ng kursong KASAYSAYAN 208 (Digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano), Ikalawang Semestre, AT 2010-2011.

[2] Samuel K. Tan, Filipino-American War, 1899-1913. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 2002.

[3] Jose Alejandrino, The Price of Freedom (La Senda del Sacrificio), Episodes and Anecdotes of our Struggles for Freedom. Maynila: M. Colcol and Company. 1949.

[4] Ronaldo B. Mactal, Hongkong Junta/Comite Central Filipino: Pulitika at Kontrobersiya. Maynila: De La Salle University Press. 2000.

[5] Mactal, 2000, pah. 3.

[6] Unang ginamit ito ni Atoy Navarro sa kaniyang akda kasama si Ryan Palad, Tayabas: Pagmumulat sa Kasaysayan, Himagsikan at Sentenaryo. Quezon City; Limbagang Pangkasaysayan, 1998.

[7] Teodoro A. Agoncillo, History of the Filipino People, 8^th edition. Quezon City: Garotech Publishing, 1990, pah. 115.

[8] John Schumacher, The Making of a Nation: Essays on 19^th Century Philippine Nationalism. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 1991. pah. 16-19.

[9] Navarro at Palad, 1998.

[10] Agoncillo, 1990, 181.

[11] Emilio Aguinaldo, Mga Gunita ng Himagsikan, Maynila: Christina Aguinaldo Suntay (Publisher), 1964, pah. 256-260.

[12] Aguinaldo, 1964, pah. 264.

[13] Bagamat sinabi ito ni Aguinaldo, mahalaga ring banggitin na sa gunita naman ni Jose Alejandrino (The Price of Freedom, (La Senda del Sacrificio), Episodes and Anecdotes of our Struggles for Freedom, 1949, pah. 38), kaniyang ipinahayag ang paghanga kay Mamerto Natividad bilang rebolusyonaryo. Sa katunayan, sinabi ni Alejandrino na kung nabuhay lamang si Natividad, marahil ay hindi nito pinayagan ang Kasunduan sa Biyak-na-Bato.

[14] Para sa kabuuang kopya ng Kasunduan sa Biyak-na-Bato, maaaring tingnan ang apendise ng Mauro Garcia (patnugot), Aguinaldo in Retrospect (A Volume Issued to Commemorate the Century of General Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy with Documents on the Philippine-American War, 1898-1901, and the First Republic), Manila: Philippine Historical Association, 1969.

[15] Aguinaldo, 1964, pah. 265-266 ; bagamat mas marami ang probisyong sinabi ni Aguinaldo, mayroon ding kopya ng “Pact of Biak-na-Bato, Principal Provisions” na matatagpuan sa Turot, Henri. First Philippine President, 1898-1901, Emilio Aguinaldo (translated from French by Pacifico A. Castro). Paris. 1900 nasa Eyewitness Accounts in 1900 of the Philippine Revolution, The Philippine-American War and the United States Occupation of the Philippines by a French Journalist and a British Observer, pah. 137.

[16] Ayon kay Aguinaldo (1964, pah. 265), hindi ito nasunod kung kaya’t sa kabuuan ay apat na daang libo (P400,000) lamang ang tinanggap ng mga rebolusyonaryo.

[17] Makikita sa Apendise (1.1) ang listahan ng mga rebolusyonaryong kasama umano ni Aguinaldo ayon sa bersyon ni Dumindin, Arnaldo. Philippine-American War, 1899-1902. nasa philippineamericanwar. webs.com. Abril 03, 2011. Gayunpaman, kung titingnan ang iba pang batis, magkakaiba ang sinasabing bilang ng mga rebolusyonaryong kasama ni Aguinaldo nang magtungo sa Hongkong: 42 ayon kay Edwin Wildman, Aguinaldo: A Narrative of Filipino Ambitions. Boston: Lothrop Pub. 1901, pah. 47; at Sheridan, Richard Brinsley. The Filipino Martyrs, A Story of the Crime of February 4, 1899. John Lane: The Bodley Head, London and New York, 1900. Muling inilathala sa Pilipinas ng Malaya Books Inc. 1970, pah. 22; samantalang 50 naman sa bersyon ni Alejandrino, 1949, pah. 81 at huli; “46 na mga tagasunod” ayon kay Mariano Ponce, Cartas Sobre La Revolucion. Salin nina Ma. Luisa T. Camagay at Wystan dela Peña. Quezon City: Sentro ng Wikang Filipino, Office of Research Coordination, Unibersidad ng Pilipinas. 1997, pah. 93.

[18] Wildman, 1901, pah. 47; Alejandrino, 1949, pah. 81 ; Amelita Reysio-Cruz, Gen. Miguel C. Malvar: The Biography of a Consummate Filipino. Manila: National Historical Institute, 1998, pah. 92.

[19] De Ocampo, Esteban with the collaboration of Alfredo B. Saulo. First Filipino Diplomat, Felipe Agoncillo (1859-1941). Manila: National Historical Institute, 1994, pah. 70.

[20] De Ocampo, 1994, pah. 2.

[21] De Ocampo, 1994, pah. 71.

[22] Encarnacion Alzona, Galicano Apacible: Profile of a Filipino Patriot. Philippines: Apacible Family, 1970, pah. 62-63.

[23] Bagamat hindi na nasundan pa ang dapat na P800,000 napagkasunduan, dahilan upang bumalik ang puwersa ni Aguinaldo sa kalagitnaan ng 1898 upang ipagpatuloy ang himagsikan at/o pakikipaglaban.

[24] Gabriel F. Fabella, “The Role of Aguinaldo in History” (Paper read at the program held under the auspices of the Philipine Historical Association to Commemorate the 97^th Birth Anniversary of General Emilio Aguinaldo on March 22, 1966), pah. 21. ; Alejandrino, 1949, pah. 81 ; Mactal, 2000, pah. 149.

[25] Mactal, 2000, pah. 149-150.

[26] Alejandrino, 1949, pah. 82-84.

[27] Reysio-Cruz, 1998, pah. 92.

[28] Alejandrino, 1949, pah. 82-83.

[29] Mga salin na ginamit ni Mactal, 2000, pah. 151 ; Makikita sa Apendise (1.2) ang Talaan ng mga detalye ng gastos noong Enero 5, 1898.

[30] Mactal, 2000, pah. 158.

[31] Alejandrino, 1949, pah. 28-29.

[32] Alzona, 1970, pah. 105.

[33] Alzona, 1970, pah. 85-86.

[34] Mactal, 2000, pah. 164.

[35] Ponce, 1997, pah. 231.

[36] Tungkol sa paglilinaw sa pinuntahan ng perang tinanggap ng mga rebolusyonaryo mula sa Kasunduan sa Biyak-na-Bato, maaaring tingnan ang gunita ni Alejandrino, 1949, pah. 87.

The Babaylan as a Historical Narrative: How the Aswang came to be

By Gloria Esguerra Melencio

The babaylans who had been mostly women remain to be steadfast in their world view different from the Spanish colonialists, unlike the male-centered political system of the raja, lakan, datu and later capitan municipal who all succumbed to the sword and the cross. The babaylan in Philippine history – always an old wife, a sister or a close relative of the male political chief – cannot be given the political reins, yet the Spaniards cannot penetrate her spiritual domain.

Retired History Professor Milagros Guererro, in her lecture at the Buhay-Babaylan lecture series in the University of the Philippines on Saturday, July 30, explained how difficult it is to have a babaylan historical narrative given the dearth of primary materials available to historians. But the problem may be resolved with painstaking archival research, she encouraged the lecture attendees who filled the CSWCD’s Bulwagang Tandang Sora to the brim.

The country’s political elite collaborated with the Spaniards that had become the blueprint of today’s political governance.  It had always been the babaylan, the priestess in the tripartite social structure composed, too, of the raja, and ‘harbor masters’ including the panday - who refused oppression and in many ways fought with words and teeth, earning the ire of the Spanish friars to high heavens.

Guerrero narrated how the Spanish alcalde mayor, alferez and frailes smashed the babaylan structure to pieces which acts send shivers to the bones. What they cannot destroy with insults calling them ‘brujas’ or witches, they tear to pieces with atrocities no civilized human being could imagine.

In Marikina, the Spanish friars assigned vagabonds and olgasanes (similar to kanto boys nowadays) to rape these “erring women” in the 19th century, according to the professor. In the Visayas, some of the Indios, upon the instruction of the Spanish friar, tied the babaylan to a raft and threw her to the river where hungry crocodiles tore her to pieces.

“Mangingilabot kayo,” she said in Filipino with both her crossed hands holding her arms in akimbo, apparently with hair raised on end.

Citing a transcription written in old Kinaray-a language, she disclosed an incident in Capiz in 1859 when as a vengeance to these mentioned atrocities, the babaylan fought furiously with the Spanish friar: The women kidnapped the surprised priest, brought him up the mountain, killed him and “dismembered” his organs. Thus, the story of the human heart-and-liver-eating aswang began.

Guerrero likewise revealed to the audience that the babaylan had been absent in the Spanish records from 1850 onward, claiming they had annihilated them and successfully vanish to oblivion the babaylan’s spiritual realm. However, anti-American resistance in the Visayas proved otherwise. They remain alive in Dionisio Magbuelas or Papa Isio, who led a group of babaylans in a peasant uprising in the Visayas. It was Papa Isio who blurted out: “Naaapi tayo ng mga kumakain ng karne,” Guerrero quoted him as saying in the Spanish document.

In Samar and Leyte, the Pulahanes known for their red trousers, red band or anything red in their person also fought the Americans.

“Nauulinigan ang alingawngaw ng mga nag-aalsa. Bahagi ito marahil ng tradisyong babaylan,” the historian said in Filipino.

(Aswang photo is from the TechnoForum of the Southern Iloilo Polytechnic College)

Cebu Galleons: The Short-lived Revival of the Trade between Cebu and Acapulco (1594-1604)

by Junald Dawa Ango

In October 2010, a galleon replica, the Andalucia, docked at Pier Uno, Cebu City, on the same waters where the old Cebu galleons anchored more than 400 years ago. (Photo credit: Janice Gabayan)

It was June 1, 1565 when a galleon hurried out of Mandawi Bay across Mactan Island on its way to New Spain. The Spaniards were anxious to send the ship: the habagat had begun to blow and to delay more was to court disaster. Previous expeditions which sailed late in the year met contrary winds that blocked their way eastward across the Pacific.¹

The San Pedro was chosen for the latest expedition. It was sent to find the return route to Mexico which had evaded earlier attempts from Ferdinand Magellan’s Trinidad to Ruy Lopez de Villalobos’s San Juan de Letran.² The voyage was critical: if the ship finds a way back across the Pacific, the necessary instructions, supplies and reinforcements could be dispatched to the Philippines; if not, they would have to sail through enemy waters, in the Portuguese side, westward around the Cape of Good Hope and back to Spain, as what Juan Sebastian del Cano did with the Victoria.

Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, commander of the Spanish fleet that came to the Philippines in 1565, sent his grandson Felipe de Salcedo as captain of the San Pedro, but entrusted the navigation to the Augustinian Fray Andres de Urdaneta. The galleon sailed the long and lonely stretch of the Pacific for four difficult months before they sighted the coast of California in the American continent. Fray Urdaneta, who had assumed the pilotage of the ship when Esteban Rodriguez died near the coast, bypassed Navidad and sailed on to Acapulco. The ship was undermanned – eighteen of the crew died when the food supply run out, it was easier to dock the crippled ship in the wide but secure Acapulco Bay. ³ The galleon entered the port in October 8, 1565. Her voyage began the centuries’ trade between the Philippines and New Spain.

The galleons were not only communication ships ferrying instructions, reports, provisions and men between the Philippines and New Spain. They were also trade ships. When the San Pedro left Navidad in November 1594, onboard were royal merchandise for barter: woolen cloth, taffeta, silk, combs, bells, needles, knives, mirrors, scissors, beads, crystal ware, and many more curiosities for the Filipinos.⁴ When the armada sought refuge in a bay in Bohol to prepare the San Pedro for the return voyage, Legaspi sent the San Juan to the port of Butuan to check if cinnamon, other spices, drugs and other products of value are available and to trade for these. There the crew exchanged their linen, tafetta and silver tostones for gold, wax and cinnamon of the natives of Butuan and the visiting Moro traders of Luzon.⁵ The cinnamon was loaded to the San Pedro when it sailed back to New Spain; the galleon trade had thus begun.⁶

Several more galleons traveled the Cebu-Acapulco route. The San Geronimo came to Cebu on October 15, 1566 to report the successful eastward crossing.⁷ The following year, the San Juan, carrying 70 quintales of cinnamon, traced the route laid out by Fray Urdaneta.⁸ Shortly after it left the port of Cebu, the San Pedro arrived together with two other ships: the San Lucas and the Santa Clara. They brought the long awaited supplies and additional men.⁹

In 1568, the San Pedro sailed again with a bigger shipment – 340 quintales of the spice, but it never reached Mexico. It encountered storms that battered it to the brink of sinking; the crippled ship turned around and was fortunate to reach Cebu.¹⁰ This was the end of the historic San Pedro, the first ship to sail the galleon route was also its first casualty. Another galleon, the San Lucas, also left from the island in 1569.¹¹

Several forces constrained the Spaniards position in Cebu: the Portuguese threat and the scarcity of food among others, so Miguel Lopez de Legazpi moved the main settlement to Panay, and later to Manila; the ships also moved to Manila Bay. The transfer stopped the early exchange of ships between Cebu and Acapulco. Was it the end of the Cebu-Acapulco galleon trade? Was the port of Cebu closed for the galleons until the trade ended in 1815. Was the route, as many believed, permanently abandoned after the move to Manila?

This paper will show that Cebu’s part in the galleon trade did not end with the Spanish transfer to Manila in 1571, but was revived in the late 16^th century in response to the clamor of Spaniards in Cebu. It will further argue that the revived trade was closed after only a decade because of the competition between the merchants of the Philippines and of Spain for the market in Spanish America.

A Branch of the Galleon Trade

The Petition

The Manila-Acapulco galleon trade became very prosperous. The city was sending one or two ships annually – a few times it sent three or four – crammed with merchandise from China, Japan, the Moluccas and the Philippines.¹² On their return, they carried chests full of Mexican and Peruvian silver, the profit of the year’s sale. Later, the number of ships were limited to two per year, the capitana and the almiranta (the commander’s and admiral’s ships), because of the pressure exerted by merchants from Spain to restrict the entrance of products from Asia in Mexico, Peru and other territories. Since all the Spaniards in the Philippines were entitled to trade, the amount of cargo space was not enough.¹³ Ships sailed dangerously overloaded, and merchants competed for a greater space for more cargoes meant more profits.

The Spaniards in Cebu also participated in the trade. They prepared shipments comprised of the tributes (in kind) paid to them and the products bought from the Visayas and Mindanao and transported these cargoes to Manila to be shipped in the galleon the will sail for the year to Mexico.¹⁴ This very inconvenient setup combined with a desire for bigger spaces in the ship – they were probably eased out by the more influential Manila merchants – drew the Cebu traders together and united to clamor for the revival of the Cebu galleon. The cause had many support, all they need was an influential sponsor.

During the term of governor-general Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, the Spaniards in Cebu found someone to take up their plea to the king. Fray Francisco de Ortega, visitador-general of the Augustinian order’s Philippine province and prior of their Manila convent, wrote a memorial to King Philip II about varied issues in the archipelago from spiritual to military matters. Included among them was this request:

He [Fray Ortega] begs and entreats your Majesty to be pleased to give license that the       inhabitants of that city [Santisimo Nombre de Jesus] may build a vessel of about two hundred and fifty toneladas, in order that the said ship may be sent with the vessels sailing from Manila to Nueva Espana, with the wax, cotton cloth, and the other cloth made from banana leaves, called medriñaque – in which products tributes are collected by all those of this island and by the encomenderos of the island of Panae.¹⁵

The king favorably responded. On the margins of the petition was written, “Let this be referred to the governor, so that if there is no special disadvantage, and it does not conflict with his present orders, he may grant permission for the sailing of this vessel.”¹⁶ And on April 23, 1594, the corresponding royal decree was issued for the Spaniards in Cebu. They were authorized to procure a galleon, load it with cargo, and send it at their own expense to New Spain every year with the products of the Visayas and Mindanao.¹⁷ The decree must have been enforced during the interim governorship of Don Luis Perez de Dasmarinas (1593-96), son of the deceased former governor, and the lieutenancy of Antonio de Morga (1595-1596).

I have not found the said decree; neither the compilation of documents of Blair and Robertson nor that of Licuanan and Mira included this document.¹⁸ Bruce Leonard Fenner, whom I relied on the April 23, 1594 royal decree that authorized the revival of the Cebu-Acapulco galleon trade, in turn depended on El Oriente. It  seems to be a 19^th century newspaper whose article in its May 28, 1876 issue treated the revival and decline of the Cebu galleon trade. Unfortunately, I was not able to find the new article, which is still a secondary document on the decree, and consult its source of information.

There are some not so clear things about this April 23, 1594 royal decree. Evident from the marginal notes of King Philip II on the petition of Fray Ortega, the king considered the approval of the revived Cebu galleon beginning from that request. There may have been earlier similar requests but he only began consideration or approved conditionally (depending on the favorable opinion of the governor-general) the branch of trade after Fray Ortega’s petition. It is correct to conclude that the 1594 decree was based on the Augustinian’s memorial, regardless if other requests were sent after it.

The first thing that is unclear is the year of the issuance decree, 1594. Fray Ortega’s request was undated, but Blair and Robertson included it among the 1594 documents which meant that it was written in 1594; it appears to be the standard in the filing of documents in The Philippine Islands. But reading the document revealed that it was written during the term of governor-general Dasmariñas, while he was still alive. He was killed in October 1593, thus, the request was not written on 1594. The administration of Dasmariñas was from June 1590 to 1593. The letter could not have been written from June 1590 to May 1591 for Fray Ortega mentioned the laudable accomplishments of the governor-general; Dasmariñas needed at least a year for that. It was also unlikely that it was written after July 1593 because it will be sent on the galleon. When was the memorial written? We will come back to this later.

If Blair and Robertson dated the letter of Fray Ortega as 1594 based not on when it was written but on when it was read and studied by the king, it is consistent with the issuance of the decree on April 23, 1594. Although we have to surmise that he had skipped the conditional opinion of the governor-general which would take a year to consult in the Philippines, and imposed that restriction on the cargo to ensure no disadvantage on the existing trade. This suggestion that Blair and Robertson dated the document because of the above reason is more acceptable than asserting that they mistook the year it was written as 1594 which was visibly erroneous.

But when was the petition written? Although it has no bearing on the revived trade, I will just risk a conclusion. It was not written on 1593 because no galleon sailed that year; the ships were detained at port for a year due to the raging storm that came just when it was about to sail. A galleon left the next year and arrived in Acapulco in November 1594 – too late for the issuance of the decree.¹⁹ Fray Ortega must have wrote it in the early months of 1592 and sent it in that year’s galleon. A passage in his report goes like this: “Fray Francisco de Ortega, … declares that he has spent thirty-eight years in the Yndias – sixteen of them in Nueva España and the rest in the Philipinas Islands ….” That made him a resident of the archipelago for around twenty-two years. Blair and Robertson set the year of arrival of Fray Ortega in the Philippines in 1570.  If we add 22 to 1570, that makes it 1592 – the probable year that Fray Ortega composed his comprehensive report to the king of Spain.²⁰

When was the petition written is not critical; it is enough that it was written. When was the exact date of the issuance of the decree is also not crucial; it is enough that it was issued, and their many proofs of that. Antonio de Morga, lieutenant governor beginning 1595, wrote in a book that the king granted Cebu the request to revive the galleon trade, and Francisco Tello, governor-general from 1596, confirmed this trade in a letter to the king.²¹

Let us now turn to the reason for the need to revive the trade. Fray Ortega described the present practice of the traders in Cebu: the Spaniards transported there cargoes to Manila annually and loaded them in the year’s galleon; each of them hired 40 to 50 laborers to do the job.  It was very inconvenient to the Spaniards. It was also a great disadvantage to the Visayans, and consequently for the colony, because the farms and industries are neglected while more than 400 Visayans are in Manila for three months each year.²²

Why were the Spaniards of Cebu privileged with a galleon of there own? Were the merchants of Cebu more influential than those from Arevalo in Panay. According to the 1591 survey of the state of the archipelago, Arevalo was more important than Villa del Santisimo Nombre de Jesus or the city of Cebu. While Cebu had more citizens: 30 against 20, Arevalo had a bigger population, roughly 100,000 thousand persons over 60,000. The province of Panay, at that time, also had more ministers; it had eighteen while Cebu only had two.²³ Why did not the Spaniards in Arevalo requested for a galleon of their own, and why did not the government placed the second branch galleon there?

One advantage of Cebu over Panay as base of the second galleon trade was its location. The Villa del Santissimo Nombre de Jesus, or the city of Cebu, was a sort of capital of the Pintados. “All [the Visayan islands, including Panay, plus northern Mindanao] are practically the same distance of from seven to ten leagues away” from the city, wrote Fray Gaspar de San Agustin. At that time, the province of Cebu was not limited to the island of Cebu but also includes the islands of Bohol, Siquijor, Leyte, Samar, and northern Mindanao like Caraga, Butuan and Zamboanga. These farflung places were administered by an alcalde holding office in the villa; and encomiendas located there were owned by encomenderos residing in Cebu. ²⁴

The site of the villa was a good choice. It was along the bay which is sheltered from strong winds by the opposite Mactan island. On this bay, wrote Antonio de Morga, was “a beautiful, clear and anchorable seaport with ample capacity to accommodate many vessels at the same time. And, added Fray Juan de Medina, “[This] port has so deep water right next to the shore that the ships anchor on the sand”. Even governor-general Francisco Sande who was not impressed with the Philippine islands admitted that: “[t]his settlement [in Cebu] is of no advantage, and causes expenses and no gain, beyond saying that it is near Maluco; nor does it possess other good qualities than that it claims to have a good climate and port.”²⁵

Another advantage of Cebu was its Spanish residents; they seemed to be very influential. The respected Jesuit educators founded their first college outside Manila in Cebu. Father Pedro Chirino was summoned by his superior Father Antonio Sedeño to Cebu to supervised this new college in 1595.  This was established partly from the request and support of some Spanish residents of the city.²⁶ These residents were even able to enlist the no less than Governor Francisco Tello de Guzman (1596-1599) to their cause. Tello de Guzman requested the king for a ship of 300 tons to sail from the Cebu to Peru every two or three years.²⁷ However, it was not granted.

Further proof of the importance of Cebu was another royal decree. I have quoted this at length because it revealed the special affection of the king for the place:

Don Felipe etc. In as much as the residents and inhabitants of the town of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus of the Island of Cebu in the Islas Filipinas have served me; since it was the first town founded in the Islands and where the evangelization of the native Indios first took place and the indio natives were baptized and came to the true faith; whereas they were also the first to offer allegiance to the Emperor and King my Lord and Father (RIP) [that is when Rajah Humabon offered allegiance to Charles V] I want it to he [sic] honored and to progress. For the present I wish and it is my will that now and henceforth and for always the said town should be given the title of the City of Santisimo Nobre [sic] de Jesus of the Islas Filipinas. I also wish that its residents enjoy all the rights and priveleges [sic] and favors that the other residents of similar cities enjoy and should enjoy and that this is the title by which it will be addressed and placed in all the letterheads of documents and in public places; and thus it should be called by the Kings who will succeed me and whom I entrust that they may also favor and help this new City, and protect and defend the priveleges [sic] and favors granted to it.”²⁸

This decree confirmed the title of Ciudad del Santisimo Nombre de Jesus which was first given by the officials of the city of Cebu, and requested the king to confirm it. It appears that there was no need for the influence of the Spanish residents for the crown was inclined to treat, specially, this southern island for historical and sentimental reasons. The town of San Nicolas, the remnant of the old Cebu of Rajah Humabon and Rajah Tupas, were even treated differently from the other native towns; the inhabitants were exempted from payment of tributes.

The city-status of Cebu, one of the only two granted in the Philippines in the 16^th century, was decreed on April 27, 1594 at the heels of the galleon revival.²⁹ Two orders issued almost simultaneously indicates that the crown was trying to resuscitate the former economic prosperity of the city which suffered when the center of the colony was established in Manila and the galleon trade was transferred there.

The Cebu Galleons

The April 23, 1594 royal decree must have been carried out in the following year when the first galleon of the revived trade sailed from Cebu. The galleon San Pedro, a different one, left the port of Cebu heavy with merchandise from Visayas and Mindanao. It must have sailed late or its voyage prolonged for it only entered Acapulco bay between November or December 1595. This most probably was the first ship dispatched under the new decree. Don Luis de Velasco, the new viceroy of Peru who was waiting for a galleon to take him to his post, reported the arrival to the king. He added a vague but curious information to his letter: “I talked to Count of Monterrey about the need for the ship navigating on this route from Filipinas [emphasis mine] because two out of four Your Majesty has there are very old.”³⁰ I think he was referring to the newly authorized Cebu-Acapulco route, and was concerned for the lack of ships to travel this line.

In 1596, Father Pedro Chirino hosted two Franciscans from Manila in the Jesuit house near the port of Cebu; they were waiting for their ship to sail to Acapulco. They remained until the Pentecost, probably around June, when they left for Mexico aboard the Cebu galleon. Several weeks later, Father Chirino welcomed another traveler: the Dominican Father Diego de Aragon was to sail for New Spain, but he missed the earlier ship boarded by the Franciscans, so he stayed for a year with the Jesuits and sailed in the 1597 galleon.

The revived Cebu galleon must have become a huge enterprise; it was not limited in Cebu. The ship was conveying travelers from the Manila to Mexico, and, according to Tello de Guzman, was “carrying merchandise both for the citizens of that city and of Manila.” But unfortunately, it met tragedy at sea. Father Aragon died together with the other passengers for the 1597 galleon was lost in the Pacific.³¹ It was an early blow to the Spanish merchants in the city, a bad beginning to their young venture.

Despite the early loss of the 1597 galleon, the Spaniards in Cebu did not lose heart. More ships left Cebu for Acapulco. Morga, in his history of the Philippine islands from the beginning of conquest up to the end of Pedro de Acuna’s administration in 1606, wrote that “[b]y His Majesty’s bounty, the city possesses a large ocean-going vessels [sic] for loading cargo, which periodically sails from its port, bound for New Spain, taking in board the merchandise consisting of products gathered from those provinces.”³² Also he did not mention the trade was abandoned, so Cebu must have dispatched a galleon to Acapulco as late as 1606. The book was not published until 1609, giving him enough time to revise his information.

But Fenner, qouting the article in El Oriente, wrote that the Cebu galleon was abandoned in 1604. He added that the early misfortune of the 1597 galleon, the prohibition of cargoes of silk, and the small profit of the sales in New Spain resulted to losses in the balance sheet – “the profits from the ventures failed to cover even the cost of outfitting the galleons”. Still, Cebu bid for another try. In 1611 the citizens must have recovered some financial strength for they requested the king to revive the Cebu-Acapulco line, but they were denied.³³ The port of Cebu remained closed for the Mexican trade. At this time, there was another king in Spain. King Philip II, who granted them the privilege for a ship before, had died in 1599. His wish that “the Kings who will succeed [him] and whom [he] entrust … may also favor and help this new City, and protect and defend the priveleges [sic] and favors granted to it” did not heed his request.³⁴ The port of Cebu remained close for the Mexican trade until the end of the Philippine-Mexico galleon enterprise.

Without the trade, the Spaniards have less reason to stay. One by one they began migrating to Manila to get closer to the remaining galleon line. From the original fifty citizens, the Spanish population dwindled so much, that the few remaining were not even enough to occupy the offices of the city. And when one of the remaining officials die, they have to bring someone from outside to replace him.³⁵ In the 1620s, those that remained were wretchedly needy that they were only able to survive because of the charity of the convents, wrote Fray Medina. The condition of the city of Cebu  was reflected in its Augustinian convent. As the first convent founded in the Philippines, it should have been the grandest, instead it is the poorest and neediest, because “as the city was declining, so likewise the convent declined”, he observed.³⁶

The Cargo

According to Morga, the lieutenant governor when the decree on the Cebu galleon was enforced, the city of Cebu sent to Acapulco cargoes of “merchandise consisting of products gathered from those provinces.”³⁷ He was referring to the provinces of the Pintados (the Visayas and northern Mindanao). There were only two in the 1590s: Panay and Zebu. The province of Panay included the neighboring islands like Cuyo of Palawan, while Zebu comprised Bohol, Leyte, Samar, and parts of eastern Negros like Tanay and northern Mindanao such as Caraga and Butuan.³⁸

Cinnamon was a very important cargo in the earlier Cebu galleon trade. In October 15, 1567, the king sent a special order to Legazpi, for the sake of the health of his ailing son, to send cinnamon “in tortilla or rollo” like those previously sent in the San Pedro under Fray Urdaneta.³⁹ The early ships that left Cebu had carried cinnamon: The San Pedro, on its first voyage to Acapulco carried a small cargo, and on its next trip, it brought a bigger one – 350 quintales of cinnamon. The second ship sent from the Philippines, the San Juan, successfully delivered 170 quintales of cinnamon to the royal officials in Mexico.⁴⁰ This cargo must have been continued in the revived trade.

There was no cinnamon in Cebu; it was brought from Mindanao. The Spaniards traded for the spice in the port of Butuan, brought it from Zamboanga or bartered for it in the Point of Cavite. In Cavite, which is on the eastern side of Mindanao, cinnamon is believed to be very abundant that Guido Lavezaris, the royal treasurer who would become governor-general upon Legazpi’s death, implored his king to settle those part because it will be very good for the trade.⁴¹

Wax was another export from Cebu. Beeswax were gathered in the mountains of Mindanao, Leyte, Samar, and Cebu. The Negritos and Cimarrones, who lived in the mountains, gathered the wax and exchanged them with rice, iron and clothes from the people of the towns.⁴² The Spaniards, who bought the wax or received it as tributes, shipped them in the galleon.

Cotton cloths called lompotes or lampotes was a famous product of Cebu, a local manufacture of the island. The weaving of lompotes was a household activity for the Cebuanos who payed a portion of their tributes in this cloth – a certain length of lompote was valued at four reales. One encomendero earned 150,000 pesos in a few years from these lompotes, said Father Chirino. The collected lompotes were sent as cargo to the galleons.⁴³

Another renowned product of Cebu was cocoa. But it was not indigenous here. The Cebu cocoa was a specie of a plant brought over from New Spain by a Spanish pilot in the galleon. He gave it to his brother who was priest in Lipa, but it was stolen from him.⁴⁴ It was this stolen cocoa plant that multiplied and spread to the different islands, its best varieties were from Negros and Cebu. It is exported to New Spain. Although cocoa is abundant in the Americas, its origin, the Negros and Cebu varieties were still sent there because it is believed to be better than the Guayaquil variety and second only to the Soconusco.⁴⁵ At first, it commanded a good price of two pesos per pound of cocoa, but because of its abundance throughout the islands, the price dropped to one or two reales per pound.⁴⁶ The cocoa must have also been exported in the Cebu galleons.

Other products of the Visayan islands and Mindanao were sent to New Spain, but they must have only occupied a minor place as cargo. Pearls were abundant in the seas of the “Pintados, Mindanao, Calamianes, Negros, Jolo, and more so in Talibong [Bohol]”, wrote Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio. Probably, products of the pearl fisheries that operated irregularly there.⁴⁷ El Oriente reported that the royal decree of 1594 specified that aside from beeswax, and cotton tablecloths, the Spaniards could only send bananas and other fruits from the Pintados.⁴⁸ But these seems improbable, bananas and fruits cannot survive the prolonged and tempestous trip, they will rot crossing that huge expanse of saltwater before sighting California. I think it only misread the decree. If this is check against the petition of Fray Ortega: “… the said ship may be sent … with the wax, cotton cloth, and the other cloth made from banana leaves, called medriñaque…”⁴⁹, it was not bananas but cloths made from banana leaves that will be among the ship’s cargo.

The Cebu galleons were limited to the products of the Visayas and northern Mindanao. The decree that allowed it prohibited it from trading with other products especially Chinese silk. This silks were the most saleable merchandise in Mexico; in the Manila galleons it occupied majority of the cargo space. Galleon trade was predominantly on this silk and other Chinese products that in New Spain, they were also know as nao de China or China ships. This cargo limitation would be a significant factor in the outcome of the revived Cebu trade.

The Route

The voyage to Acapulco was shorter and easier from Cebu than from Manila. From Manila Bay, the galleon traced its way through a ‘labyrinth of islands’⁵⁰: from Cavite on Manila Bay out through one of the bocas, generally between Mariveles and Corregidor; thence SSW, keep well clear of Fortun to the left and high Ambil to the right; past Cape Santiago on the Luzon coast, and E between Mindoro and Maricaban, by the Punta de Escarceo, or “Tide Rip Point” where currents run strong and under Isla Verde, outside Subaang Bay, within which their was a fair anchorage in case of need; SE past the islets of Baco, with a good channel off Calapan; SE by E down the Mindoro coast by Punta Gorda de Pola; E by SE between Marinduque and Banton, out onto the tablazo, or open water, above the Punta de San Miguel and the Punta del Diablo; coasting around the east side of Ticao to the anchorage at San Jacinto; clearing from thence and working out seaward with the monsoon; E eight leagues with the dangerous Naranjos to starboard and the shoal of Calantas to port; NE by N and then ENE seven leagues around Capul; NE with the Sorsogon coast to port and San Bernardino to starboard and NE by E seven leagues to the Embocadero, with San Bernardino now to port and the island of Biri to starboard.⁵¹

When the galleon exited the Embocadero and entered the open seas, a month had passed.⁵² From Cebu, the Embocadero is much nearer: “… [the] San Pablo [sic], cleared from Cebu on the first of June 1565, and mounting with the monsoon past Leyte and between Masbate and Samar, debouched from the group by the Strait of San Bernardino”.⁵³ This distance, according to Fray Medina, can be covered in a day of sailing from the port of Cebu.⁵⁴

The Manila galleons also left at a riskier time of the habagat season. They cannot immediately sail on the arrival of the vendaval for they have to wait for a brisa (east wind) to propel them southeast to the Embocadero. Oftentimes the brisa came at height of the vendaval where there is greater chance of meeting storms on the way to the Ladrones, the present day Marianas Islands and Guam. The Cebu galleon is spared of this. The ships, described Medina, “leave port with the vendaval, and get clear of the islands, and in less than twenty hours reach the Spanish sea. They pursue their course with the same vendaval, which brings them to the Ladrones Islands,”for they leave the port at the beginning of the vendaval and reached the Ladrones before the arrival of storms.⁵⁵

From the Embocadero, the Cebu galleon followed the Manila ship’s route. They rose east by northeast to the direction of the Ladrones where they anchored to take supply. From the Ladrones, they continued climbing northeast up to the thirty-sixth or thirty-seventh parallels. Here the galleons sailed on the eastward flowing Japan current and in front of the prevailing westerlies. They adjusted the course east to the California coast, and upon approaching the continent, sailed southeast to Acapulco Bay.⁵⁶

Occasional Galleons

The purpose of this paper is to show that after the transfer of the galleons to Manila the Cebu trade was closed but later revived to become a branch of the Manila-Acapulco trade. It will also explain the reason for the second closure of the Cebu branch when it was permanently abandoned until the end of the Philippine-Mexico galleon trade in 1815. I have already described the revival; I will discuss its closure later, but for the moment I will expand a little from my original plan to share an unexpected finding of the research.

There were occasional galleons in Cebu between the move to Manila and the revival of the trade. A few galleons still found their way to the port. In 1572, the Santiago sailed into the bay of Mandawi bare of equipments and riggings. The Spaniards had to send the equipments and riggings of ships in Manila to refit it to sail again. A few months later, it sailed to Mexico, although from Manila.⁵⁷ And in 1593, two galleons were about to be dispatched by Governor Gomez Perez Dasmarinas: the San Felipe to sail from Cebu, and the San Francisco to depart from Manila, but both were held at the port because of storms – they stayed there for a year. No ships arrived in Acapulco in 1593 which very much worried the people there because, later that year, they have received the news of Governor Gomez Perez Dasmariñas death via India. The San Felipe finally sailed from Cebu in June 1594 and reached Acapulco in November 1594 bearing the first news of the governor’s fate by way of the Pacific.⁵⁸ It appeased the officials’ and citizens’ worries that a tragic thing happened to the islands with the governor’s death. The next year, the San Felipe returned to the Philippines together with the Santiago bringing Antonio de Morga to his new post as lieutenant governor of the Philippines. But the ships docked in Manila.⁵⁹ The request of the Spaniards in Cebu did not indicate that no galleon came to nor left from Cebu after the trade moved to Manila, for some ships occasionally visited the port. Rather, they petitioned to make this stray ships come regularly, and spare them from breaking their backs hauling the shipments to the capital.

Fray Ortega explained in his petition the importance of Cebu to the spices of Moluccas: “He [Fray Ortega] declares that it would be advisable to reinforce the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, on the island of Cubu, with more troops, for its security, as well as that of the other islands nearby and those of Maluco, as it is a way station between Maluco and Nueva Espana….”⁶⁰ Manila was described as a way station too. It was the transshipment point between China and New Spain where Chinese junks transferred their merchandise to the galleons in Manila that sailed to Mexico. Was Cebu’s role on the Moluccan spices similar to Manila’s on the Chinese merchandise? Did ships conveyed spices from the Moluccas to another galleon waiting in Cebu to deliver them to Acapulco? If way station was meant in a similar sense, then it is proof that once in a while a galleon leaves Cebu, loaded with Moluccan spices and other products of the Visayas, and sails for Acapulco during Fray Ortega’s time.

Decline of the Cebu Galleon

Disaster struck early in the line. The third galleon sent after the approval of the petition was lost to sea.⁶¹ The loss of ships, also suffered by Manila, was a harder blow to Cebu because the latter’s galleons were built at the expense of citizens, while the former’s were provided by the king. These galleons were expensive. At first, galleons were built at around 8000 pesos only, but later the construction cost rose to 30, 000 to 95,857 to even 200,000 pesos; the San Diego cost about 60,000 pesos.⁶² This must have been the same San Diego commanded by Antonio de Morga during the battle with the Dutch near the Manila Bay.

The merchandise exported were also limited. Silk, the most saleable and profitable product in Mexico, was banned.⁶³ While wax, which became the major cargo of the galleon was very far from the profitability of silk. According to Fray Medina, the Cebu galleon stopped because its trade was with wax.⁶⁴

The lompotes and cocoa of Cebu were promising exports: both were highly regarded by the Mexicans, but these were not sustained. The cultivation and weaving of cotton was abandoned in the Cebu, like in the other provinces. Aside from the people’s dislike of cotton weaving because it was so tedious to remove the seeds, the household industry was neglected when the Chinese brought much textiles and cloths they patronized.⁶⁵ The government was forced to ban the wearing of Chinese clothes by the Filipinos in order to force them to tend to the cotton fields and cotton weaving again.⁶⁶ The Cebuanos lost interest in the cocoa trade. Although it started out very profitable – it sold for two pesos per pound, the subsequent abundance of cocoa much reduced its value that it later sold for four reales only.⁶⁷ It did not bring big profits for the shippers.

The trade of cinnamon from Mindanao was given up too. The tree grows wild in the interior of the forest that bark was difficult to gather. In the cinnamon plantations in Butuan and Zamboanga, the barks were prematurely and too frequently harvested that the trees die after one harvest. An easier alternative came with the arrival of a bigger volume and better quality of cinnamon acquired from Ceylon, now called Sri Lanka, which was exported through Manila.⁶⁸

The piracy of the Muslims of Mindanao certainly affected the Cebu-Acapulco trade. The pirates must have captured boats that were delivering products from islands of the Visayas to the galleon in Cebu, irritated the Spanish traders who were worried about completing their shipment, and exasperated the crew for the delayed departure, but I doubt if they contributed to the abandonment of the Cebu galleon.

To blame the fall of the Cebu galleon on the severe restrictions on the cargo and the early misfortunes of the line is an incomplete explanation. Disasters are given in this kind of trade: dozens of Manila ships were lost to sea and four were lost to the English.⁶⁹ One shipwreck out of two voyages allowed merchants to break even. It is said, that penniless Spaniards borrows money from the obras pias for two shipments plus payment for the interest so that if the first galleon sinks, he will have money to recover it in the second one.⁷⁰ The limitation on the cargo was not the real cause of the closure of the trade, it was only a result. Without doubt, the unprofitability of the venture forced the city to halt sending ships, but it was only a temporary setback, they proposed to send a ship again in 1611.

Even if the city did not stop sending the ship, or if they were allowed to sell silk, eventually the trade would still be closed. The closure was a concession to the merchants of the peninsula, like the discontinuance of the very profitable Manila-Peru trade. The competition between the merchants of Spain and of the Philippines for the American market was so intense that Governor Tello de Guzman, when he requested for the expansion of the Cebu trade to Peru, assured the king that it will not compete with the trade from Spain for it will only carry flagstones, ivory, and other things not in ships from Spain.⁷¹ This competition is the real cause of the closure of the Cebu-Acapulco line.

The fate of the revived Cebu galleon was sealed before it even began. In April 14, 1579, King Philip II granted the royal sanction to the galleons unofficially trading with New Spain. He even authorized the trade to expand to Peru, Guatemala and Tierra Firme. Trading galleons were dispatched to these territories: a ship was sent to Peru in 1581 and 1582. But upon pressure from the Cadiz and Seville merchants, the decree was revised after two shipments. The Philippines can will only trade with New Spain, it will no longer send ships to Peru and the other territories. Although a concession was granted to the Peruvians to make their purchases of Oriental products in Acapulco, it also disallowed in 1587 and reissued in 1593, in 1595 and in 1604 for they were continuously violated. Although the decree that limited the Pacific trade between the Philippines and New Spain was circumvented beyond 1604, necessitating the re-issuance of the decree in 1620, in 1634, in 1636, and in 1706; the year 1604 was significant because together with the ban were three auxiliary laws that tried to ensure that enforcement of the prohibition.⁷² An indicator of the serious efforts to limit the Philippine galleon trade.

If other ports were excluded in the Americas, why not exclude the secondary port in the Philippines too? This seems to be the logic in the closure of Cebu’s port to the Pacific trade: by closing the ports in Peru, Guatemala and Tierra Firme they reduced the consumers of the galleon’s merchandise and by shutting down the port of Cebu they limited the suppliers; both were advantageous to the Atlantic merchants of Spain.

Conclusion

There was a parallel Cebu-Acapulco galleon line to the Manila-Acapulco trade route. Contrary to the usual belief that Cebu only hosted the first phase of the trade before its permanent transfer to Manila – the only known ship from there was the San Pedro which discovered the return route – the city was home to a branch of the galleon enterprise when the Cebu galleon was revived in 1594 by virtue of a royal decree. The city dispatched simultaneous trips to Acapulco with Manila. The first ship sent must have been the galleon that sailed in 1595, and followed by others until 1604 when the route was closed.

The line was not as profitable as Manila. Silk was restricted on board, and it carried only products from the Visayas and Mindanao which did not command high prices in New Spain. But this was not the reason for the closure; it was the fierce rivalry between Spain and the Philippines in supplying the American market which necessitated the imposition of those restrictions to the trade. Still the Spaniards in the Cebu persisted: in 1611, the few citizens left petitioned to revive the Cebu-Acapulco galleon trade, but they were refused. They would have to wait for two and a half centuries, till 1860, for the reopening of the port not only for trade with Acapulco but for the whole world.

The galleons are long gone. Mandawi bay has since been eaten by a reclamation project that had altered the shape of its coast; the only remnant is a city on its northern coast named after it, Mandaue City. This first year of the galleon celebration, an authentic galleon, a replica of 17^th century galleon, sailed for the Philippines and the ship arrived in Manila on October 5, 2010 and stayed there five days until October 9: a visit that commemorated the proud Manila galleons that conquered the Pacific for two and half centuries. But on these crossings they were accompanied by the Cebu galleons. I hope that this galleon could unfurl its sail to the wind, direct its rudder to the south and visit another port of its ancestors – the same port where the Victoria had sailed out of this archipelago on her way to the first trip around the world.

(A version of this article appeared in the Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, a journal of the University of San Carlos, Cebu City.)

Notes

1. Virginia Benitez Licuanan and Jose Llavador Mira, The Philippines Under Spain: a compilation and translation of original documents (Philippines: National Trust for Historic and Cultural Preservation of the Philippines, in installments from 1990-1996), vol. 2, p. 114.

2. William Lytle Schurz, The Manila Galleon (Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1985), pp.  24-26, 180.

3. Gaspar de San Agustin, OSA, Conquest of the Philippine Islands 1565-1615 (Intramuros, Manila: San Agustin Museum, 1998) p 363.

4. Licuanan and Mira, vol. 2, pp. 71-72.

5. Ibid., pp. 199-200.

6. Ibid., p. 265.

7. San Agustin, pp. 441-451.

8. Licuanan and Mira, vol. 2, p 236.

9. Ibid., pp. 277-278; San Agustin, p 497.

10. Licuanan and Mira, vol. 2, p 277; San Agustin, p 499.

11. San Agustin, p 525.

12. Schurz, p 161.

13. Ibid., pp. 132-133, 134, 137. A 1593 law provided that: “all the citizens of those islands, in proportion to their wealth, in order that everyone may share in the advantage and profit of this traffic”, are entitled to a space for their cargoes in the galleon.

14. Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson eds., The Philippine Islands 1493-1898 (Mandaluyong, Rizal: Cacho Hermanos, 1973) vol. 9, p 117.

15. Ibid.

16. Ibid.

17. Bruce Leonard Fenner, Cebu Under the Spanish Flag, 1521-1896: An Economic-Social History (Cebu City: San Carlos Publications, 1885), p 36.

18. These compilation works are those previously cited: Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson eds.. The Philippine Islands 1493-1898, 55 vols.. Mandaluyong, Rizal: Cacho Hermanos, 1973; Virginia Benitez Licuanan and Jose Llavador Mira, The Philippines Under Spain: a compilation and translation of original documents,  vols.. The Philippines: National Trust for Historic and Cultural Preservation of the Philippines, in installments from 1990-1996. The latter contains more documents for the late 16^th century period, and many related ones about the galleon but it does not include the very important royal decree to revive the Cebu-Acapulco galleon trade.

19. Antonio de Morga, Historical Events of the Philippine Islands, annotated by Jose Rizal (Manila: Jose Rizal National Centennial Commission, 1962), p. 35; Licuanan, vol. 5, p 550.

20. Blair and Robertson, vol. 9, p. 117.

21. Ibid., vol. 10, p. 269-270; Morga, pp. 306-307.

22. Blair and Robertson, vol. 9, p 117.

23. Ibid., vol. 8, pp. 127-137.

24. San Agustin, p 59.

25. Blair and Robertson, vol. 23, p. 161; Morga, p 306.

26. Pedro Chirino, S.J., Relacion de las Islas Filipinas (Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1969), pp. 305.

27. Blair and Robertson, vol. 10, p. 269-270.

28. Licuanan and Mira, vol. 5, p. 522.

29. Ibid.

30. Ibid., vol. 6, pp. 200, 202. There seems to be an inconsistency in this letter: Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of Mexico during the Legaspi expedition died, July 31, 1564, while the fleet was prepared in Navidad (cited in vol. 2, p. 25). Although there are some similarities in the data with the first return voyage: the galleons San Pedro and San Pablo were sent from Cebu, but the San Pablo was held at port, and the year 1565 could have been mistyped into 1595, other information he provided are anachronistic in 1565. He mentioned that the ships did not sail in Manila, that another ship was making a survey to determine the demarcation of territories, and Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa was in the Philippines. It must have been another Luis de Velasco, viceroy of Peru, who wrote this letter. His account of the ships San Felipe and Santiago is even corroborated by Fray Gaspar de San Agustin (p. 1015), and an unsigned report (Licuanan and Mira, vol. 5, p. 550).

31. Chirino, pp. 305; Blair and Robertson, vol. 10, p. 270.

32. Morga, p. 306-307.

33. Fenner, p. 36-37.

34. Licuanan and Mira, vol. 5, p. 522.

35. Blair and Robertson, vol. 28, p. 177.

36. Ibid., vol. 23, p. 162-163, 170.

37. Morga, p. 306.

38. Blair and Robertson, vol. 8, pp. 127-137

39. Licuanan and Mira, vol. 2, p. 265.

40. Ibid., p. 236, 277; San Agustin, p. 525; Blair and Robertson, vol. 23, p. 499.

41. Licuanan and Mira, vol. 2 , p. 236; San Agustin, p. 525; Blair and Robertson, vol. 23, p. 73.

42. San Antonio, p. 22, 84.

43. Chirino, p. 240; Blair and Robertson, vol. 28, pp 181-182.

44. San Agustin, p 77.

45. Thomas de Comyn, State of the Philippine Islands, being an historical, statistical and descriptive account of that interesting  portion of the Indian Archipelago (London: T. and J. Allman, 1821), p. 23; San Agustin, p 77.

46. San Agustin, p. 77.

47. San Antonio, p. 22; Comyn, p. 38-39.

48. Fenner, p. 36.

49. Blair and Robertson, vol. 9, p. 117.

50. Schurz, p. 182. The Italian traveler Gemelli Careri, in Giro del Mondo, made this comparison of the passage through the islands to the Embocadero when he sailed through the Philippines on his journey around the world.

51. Schurz, pp. 182-183.

52. Ibid., p. 182. The voyage varied from three to six weeks.

53. Ibid., p. 181. This is from the ship’s log of the voyage of the San Pedro that found the route back to Mexico. This route was followed by the succeeding ships that sailed from Cebu.

54. Blair and Robertson, vol. 23, pp. 175-176.

55. Ibid., pp. 175-176. The portion of the Spanish sea referred above is now known as the Philippine Sea, the body of water that borders the archipelago on the east and connects to the Pacific Ocean which Spaniards also called in the 16th century as the Spanish sea or lake.

56. Schurz, p. 185.

57. Licuanan and Mira, vol. 2, p. 398.

58. Antonio de Morga, Historical Events of the Philippine Islands, annotated by Jose Rizal (Manila: Jose Rizal National Centennial Commission, 1962), p. 35; Licuanan and Mira, vol. 5, p. 550.

59. Morga, p. 37.

60. Blair and Robertson, vol. 9, p. 116.

61. The third galleon sent from the port of Cebu according to the royal decree of April 23, 1594 was the 1597 galleon: the first trip was on 1565, and the second on 1566.

62. Schurz, p. 164.

63. Fenner, p. 37.

64. Blair and Robertson, vol. 23, p. 162.

65. Ibid., pp. 91-93, vol. 28, p. 181; Comyn, pp. 57-58.

66. Licuanan and Mira, vol. 5, pp. 172-187.

67. San Agustin, p. 77.

68. Ibid., p. 73.

69. Schurz, p. 21.

70. Ibid., pp. 141-142.

71. Blair and Robertson, vol. 10, p. 269-270.

72. William Lytle Schurz, “Mexico, Peru, and the Manila Galleon,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 1 no. 4 (November 1918): 395-399.

Selected Bibliography

Primary Sources

Blair, Emma Helen and James Alexander Robertson eds.. The Philippine Islands 1493-1898, 55

vols. Mandaluyong, Rizal: Cacho Hermanos, 1973.

Chirino, Pedro S.J.. Relacion de las Islas Filipinas. Manila: Historical Conservation Society,

1969.

Licuanan, Virginia Benitez and Jose Llavador Mira. The Philippines Under Spain: a compilation

and translation of original documents, 6 vols.. Philippines: National Trust for Historic and

Cultural Preservation of the Philippines, in installments from 1990-1996.

Morga, Antonio de, Historical Events of the Philippine Islands, annotated by Jose Rizal. Manila:

Jose Rizal National Centennial Commission, 1962.

San Agustin, Gaspar de O.S.A.. Conquest of the Philippine Islands 1565-1615. Intramuros,

Manila: San Agustin Museum, 1998.

Secondary Sources

Comyn, Thomas de. State of the Philippine Islands, being an historical, statistical and

descriptive account of that interesting portion of the Indian Archipelago. London: T. and J.

Allman, 1821.

Fenner, Bruce Leonard. Cebu Under the Spanish Flag, 1521-1896: An Economic-Social History.

Cebu City: San Carlos Publications, 1885.

San Antonio, Fray Juan Francisco de. The Philippine Chronicles of Fray San Antonio: Book 1 of

Cronicas de la Provincia de San Gregorio Magno. Manila: CASALIDA and Historical

Conservation Society, 1977.

Schurz, William Lytle. The Manila Galleon. Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1985.

__________. “Mexico, Peru, and the Manila Galleon.” The Hispanic American Historical

Review 1 no. 4 (November 1918): 389-402.

Philippine Church History: “Hispanized clergy in an Americanized country”

(Book Review by Gloria Esguerra Melencio)

Growth and Decline: Essays on Philippine Church History

By John N. Schumacher, S.J.

Ateneo de Manila Press, 2009. 291 pages

The book traces the history of the Catholic Church in the Philippines from the 16^th up to 20^th centuries as it weaves through the conflicts and challenges besetting the clergy – internally and externally – with the religious-cultural evolution of the Filipino laity as a backdrop.

The meticulous historian in Jesuit priest John Schumacher succeeds in clarifying in his two-decade work how the Catholic Church, founded on the sweat and blood of Spanish friars, has been at loggerheads with the conquistadores whether to colonize the Philippines with the sword or the cross – that actually resulted in both.

His book has brought to light the growing nationalism of the Filipino priests with direct proportion to the growing influence of Catholicism to the ordinary churchgoers and eventually to those who can hear the tolling of the bells from afar and outside of the reduccion.

Schumacher’s passion and commitment in digging and unearthing historical bases are beyond question. He takes the readers by the hand as he expounds how the Catholic orders waded through various Governor Generals’ political stance, with incidents of violence and suspected murder, to make Catholicism a “liberating force rather than an instrument for subjection to Spanish rule” (p. viii). He gives a human face to his thesis.

One proof of this sublime evangelization was the use of the native languages in celebrating church masses, quite differently from South America where a Royal Decree ordered the use of the Spanish language in 1555. He explains, however, that the Spanish language remained to be the exclusive use of the religious orders; use of the Tagalog language was forbidden in convents, religious schools and beatas.

The historian priest also exposes the exploitation and thievery of Spanish officials and encomenderos as they enforce forced labor and exacted tributes beyond the requirement of Spain’s law. Representing the Filipino elite, the principalia had not only been blind to the injustices committed against the Indios but even aided the Spanish officials in maintaining the status quo.

Trying to rise from these visible flaws, however, the Catholic hierarchy obtained a decree from King Philip II to return the unjust tributes to the pagans; punish Governor Francisco de Sande for waging an “unjust war” against a Muslim sultan; and also found Governor Diego Ronquillo also guilty for not punishing the erring alcaldes and government officials.

Slowly from 1700 up to 1768, Schumacher sees the Philippine Church in its “Golden Age” (p. 23) extending its evangelization to far-flung areas of the country as it called on the remontados, infieles, cimarrones and monteses to return to lowlands and church centers, be baptized and memorize the Doctrina Christiana. He admits, however, that Spanish priests were horrified to discover that people remain practicing paganism secretly.

Women of Spanish blood and later a Chinese mestiza spearheaded the beaterio movement with the help of educated Indias. While the women are slowly inching their way through Catholic religiosity, the racial divide between Spanish and the Filipino was likewise dissolving, leading to the rise of the Filipino clergy.

Strong opposition to the entry of native priests to the religious orders failed not only because the Crown and the Holy See would want “to curb the independence of the religious orders” (p. 55) but also because Filipino priests like Father Jose Burgos has started defending the rights of the Filipino clergy.

Schumacher likewise investigates thoroughly – by making use of the primary sources – the authenticity of the Burgos Manifesto (p. 125) and follows the paper trail to find out who was its genuine author. He includes in this book the Spanish version with the English translation on its opposite pages for the readers to see.

Describing the period roughly from 1770 up to 1830 as the ‘decline of the Church” (p. 111), the author narrates how the native population, particularly in the Visayan region, slid back to their paganistic, animistic beliefs or at best, “syncretic folk Catholicism” (p. 116) when the religious orders, particularly the Jesuits, were recalled and expelled from the Spanish dominion. From where he stands, Schumacher sees the Filipino laity as mere recipients and benefactors of the Catholic faith.

Also for the author, anyone who was not as educated as Jose Rizal or Emilio Jacinto is bound to fail as what happened to Andres Bonifacio who was not ready to lead the Filipino people toward independence because he has “defects in his personality and education” (p. 221). This claim has been the subject of debate going on for years in the Philippines.

He succeeds in describing the Filipino priest as “Hispanized clergy in an Americanized country” (p. 247) in the 20^th century posing to the Filipino diocesan clergy the challenge as to the direction where they are heading now.

Schumacher establishes his niche in this book that is a must-read for those interested in Church history and Philippine society.

Journal of Southeast Asian Studies

Volume 42, Issue 02, May 2011

Published by the National University of Singapore

Pananaw ng mga Pilipino sa Sandaigdigan

ni Dante L. Ambrosio – Mula sa ulat ng mga Espanyol, sa mga vocabulario ng mga wika sa Pilipinas na tinipon nila, mula sa mito at epiko ng mga pangkat etniko sa Pilipinas at mula sa mga etnograpikong pag-aaral ng siglo 20, ating masisilip ang pananaw sa sandaigdigan ng mga Pilipinong dinatnan ng mga Espanyol sa arkipelago. Kahit na nagkaroon ito ng mga pagbabago bunga ng pagpasok ng mga elementong Kristiyano at Kanluranin, sa malaking bahagi ay nananatili ang mga batayang sangkap ng pananaw na ito. Sa pinakabuod, masasabing may limang katangian ang sandaigdigan ng mga matatandang Pilipino:

Ang sandaigdigang ito ay:

1. sandaigdigang buo, pisikal at ispiritwal.

2. sandaigdigang binubuo ng  mga sapin at rehiyon.

3. sandaigdigang nalalakbay ng mga diwata, babaylan at ibang nilalang.

4. sandaigdigang maritimo.

5. sandaigdigang tropikal.

Nagpapatuloy hanggang sa kasalukuyan ang mga pananaw, paniniwala at gawi ng mga matandang Pilipino kaugnay ng sandaigdigan. Hindi lamang ito nangangahulugan na nagpapatuloy ang dating sistema ng pamumuhay – pagsasaka, pagkakaingin, at pangingisda, halimbawa – kundi dahil sa hindi pa rin ito lubusang hinahalinhan ng mga bagong pananaw, paniniwala at gawi na kaugnay ng bagong sistemang nakabatay sa industriyalisasyon at makabagong edukasyon. Kung tutuusin, sa pana-panahon, nagkakaroon ng pag-angkop at pag-angkin ang mga Pilipino sa mga bagong pananaw, paniniwala at gawi sa paraang nananatili, sa halip na mahalinhan, ang mga dati. Ilang halimbawa ang tatalakayin para ilinaw ang bagay na ito.

A. Sandaigdigan

Isang kaalamang mahalaga sa paggagap sa kabuuan ng kapaligiran at ang papel dito ng tao ang pananaw sa sandaigdigan. Sa bagay na ito, walang gaanong pagbabago sa batayang pananaw ng mga Pilipino. Maaaring pumaloob ang Islam, Kristiyanismo o modernong agham sa kaisipang Pilipino kaya nagkaroon ng ilang pagbabago sa pananaw na ito. Ngunit sa pinakaubod, nananatili ang matandang pananaw sa sandaigdigan:

Buo ang sandaigdigan ng mga Pilipino; ibig sabihin, magkasama ang mundong pisikal at ispiritwal nito. Kaya kasa-kasama nila sa mundo ang mga di nakikitang nilalang na nakakaapekto sa kanilang pamumuhay. Bunga nito, nagkaroon ng ibayong halaga sa kanilang buhay ang mga babaylan, imam at pari. Kaugnay nito ang kahalagahan din ng mga dasal, ritwal at alay, sa isang panig, at ng mga agimat, anting-anting at putikaan, sa kabila. Kinakailangan ang lahat ng ito upang magkaroon ng mahusay na ugnayan ang mga tao sa mga di nakikitang nilalang at upang magkaroon ng balanse, kung baga, sa kabuuan ng sandaigdigan. Halimbawa, kung dadaan sa masukal na lugar, bakit kailangang magpasintabi ang isang Tagalog: ”Tabi, tabi po!”? Ang isang Ilokano ay nagsasabi ng ”Bari, bari, apo!”.

Sapin-saping daigdig ang isang batayang pananaw ng mga Pilipino sa sandaigdigan. Sa pinakamababa, binubuo ito ng tatlong sapin: ang langit, ang lupa at ang ilalim ng lupa o ang kaitaasan, kalagitnaan at kailaliman. Saklaw ng sandaigdigang ito kapwa ang mga pisikal at ispiritwal na daigdig ng mga matandang Pilipino gaya nang nabanggit.

Naniwala ang mga tao na tinitirhan ang bawat sapin at ang kabuuan ng kapaligiran ng iba’t ibang di nakikitang nilalang at ispirito na tuluy-tuloy na nakikipag-interaksyon sa mga tao. Sa matayog na langit na tila di maabot ng tao pinaniwalaan nilang nananahan si Bathala, Kabunian, Pamulak Manobo o anupamang pangalang itinawag nila sa pinakamataas nilang diyos. Bawat sapin ay may mga “nilalang”, na ang iba’y may kapangyarihan o kakayahang magpalipat-lipat ng sapin – diyos, ispirito, taong makapangyarihan, ordinaryong tao, ordinaryong hayop, higanteng hayop, lamang-lupa at iba’t iba pang uri ng mga nilalang. Sa iba’t ibang paraan, nagkakaugnay at may interaksyon ang mga nilalang na ito hindi lamang sa bawat sapin kundi sa pagitan ng mga sapin-saping daigdig.

Maaaring magsilbing tulay ang balangaw o bahaghari, ang ilog o ang baging sa pagitan ng mga sapin. Maaari ring may pakpak gaya ng mga diwata, may kapangyarihan gaya ng mga diyos at taong mala-diyos at iba pang ispirito o may mga sasakyang gaya ng bangka para makalipat sa ibang sapin. Sa pagitan ng langit at lupa, maaaring tumawid nang diretso papataas sa pamamagitan ng pagsunod sa ilog na patungong bundok o umakyat sa bahaghari na parang hagdan. Maaari ring bumaba sa ilalim ng lupa sa pamamagitan ng butas sa lupa at pangungunyapit sa baging o muling sumunod sa ilog patungo sa pusod ng dagat pababa sa ilalim ng lupa. Maaari ring pumasok sa yungib na may mga lihim na daanan patungo sa kaitaasan o kailaliman. Maaari ring sumakay sa sasakyang dagat na nakakapaglayag hindi lamang sa mga ilog at dagat kundi sa papawirin din.

Sa langit nananahan si Bathala. Sa ilalim naman ng lupa karaniwang napupunta ang mga masasama kasama ang iba pang lamang lupa. Sa kalupaan, nagkalat sa paligid ang mga ispirito, kasama na ang mga anito o namatay na ninuno. Bawat bagay nga sa lupa ay may mga mabuti at masamang ispirito. Nakagawian na, kung gayon, ng mga tao na makisama kapwa sa mabubuti at masasamang ispirito. Iba’t ibang ritwal ang kanilang ginagawa upang patuloy na makuha ang pagpapala ng mabuting ispirito at upang di sila gawan ng masama ng masasamang ispirito.

Bunga ng pagiging kapuluan, may mahalagang papel na ginampanan ang tubig sa kabihasnan ng mga Pilipino gayundin ang puwesto nito sa rehiyong tropikal ng mundo. Sandaigdigan ng kabihasnang maritimo at tropikal ang sandaigdigan ng mga Pilipino kaya matatagpuan ang tubig sa iba’t ibang sapin ng kanilang sandaigdigan gayundin ang iba’t ibang uri ng hayop, puno at halaman na singdami at singyabong mapalupa, mapalangit o mapailalim ng lupa man.

Kung tutuusin, hindi naman nabago ang batayang pananaw na ito sa sandaigdigan ng mga Pilipino gaya nang makikita sa mga halimbawa. Nang pumasok ang Islam, nanatili ang sapin-saping daigdig. Lamang, nagkaroon na ito ng maraming dibisyon – pito na ang sapin ng langit na tinawag na sulga at pito rin ang sapin ng ilalim ng lupa na tinawag na narka. Nanatili sa gitna ang lupa na may ilan ding dibisyon. Hinalinhan man ni Allah si Tuhan nanatili itong huli na pinakamataas na diyos – iisa nga lang si Allah at si Tuhan. Pinakamataas dahil nanatili pa rin ang paniniwala sa iba’t ibang uri ng ispirito na kinabibilangan na ngayon ng mga anghel at ng mga tinatawag na saitan at jinn. Sa huling pagtutuos, makakasama pa rin ng mga mabubuting tao sa paraiso – na dili iba’t ang langit – si Allah.

Hindi rin nabago ang batayang pananaw na ito nang sinakop ng mga Espanyol ang Pilipinas at ginawang Kristiyano ang malaking bahagi nito. Nanatili ang sapin-saping daigdig na binubuo na ng langit, lupa at impiyerno. Gaya nang dati, may mga nilalang pa ring nananahan sa mga ito at patuloy pa ring nag-uugnayan ang mga ito sa iba’t ibang paraan. Hindi rin naman nawala ang mga ispirito – masama at mabuti – sa kalupaan kung kaya nagpatuloy ang mga ritwal gaya ng pagbabasbas ng mga bagong bahay na ginagawa ng mga paring Kristiyano. Pati na ang pananampalataya sa mga likha o larawan (gaya nang naging pagtrato sa Sto. Niño ng Cebu) ay nanatili bagaman mga estatwa na ng mga santo at santa ang humalili sa mga ito.

Pumasok ang modernong siyensya at natutunan ng mga edukado ang modernong larawan ng sandaigdigan. Ngunit bilang mga Muslim, Kristiyano at katutubong Pilipino, bilib pa rin sila sa sapin-saping daigdig. Mayroon pa ring langit, lupa at impiyerno (o ilalim ng lupa). Ngunit kasabay nito ang paniniwala sa unibersong bukas at patuloy na lumalawak, hindi sarado at pirmes gaya ng sapin-saping daigdig. Walang hanggan ang  uniberso, gaya rin naman ng langit. Ang ilalim ng lupa’y  tunaw at mainit na mainit, gaya rin naman ng larawan ng impiyerno. Nawala man ang mga ispirito sa kalupaan, hinalinhan naman ito ng iba’t ibang puwersang pangkalikasan na kailangan pa ring matutunang gagapin at gamitin ng mga tao para sa kanilang pangangailangan. Sa pagkakataong ito, umiiral ang idea ng modernong agham ukol sa sandaigdigan nang sabay sa dating pananaw na ngayo’y sinaniban ng mga pananaw na Muslim at Kristiyano.

Bangang Manunggul

Isa sa mga pinakatampok na artifact ng matandang panahon sa kapuluan ang Bangang Manunggul na natagpuan sa Yungib Manunggul, kuwebang bahagi ng Kompleks ng mga Yungib Tabon sa Lipuun Point, Quezon, Palawan.

Tinatayang nilikha ang Banga sa pagitan ng 890-710 BC na siyang petsang natukoy para sa Yungib. Ibig sabihin, mga 2,150 taon bago pa pumaloob ang Islam sa Mindanao at Sulu o mga 2,550 taon bago pumaloob ang Kristiyanismo sa kapuluan. Mahalaga ang bagay na ito para sa paglalarawan ng paniniwalang ispiritwal ng mga sinaunang Pilipino na mamamalas na buo na 2,000 taon bago pa pumaloob ang Islam at Kristiyanismo sa katutubong kabihasnan.

Kapwa materyal at ispiritwal na katangian ng kabihasnan ng matandang Pilipinas ang ipinapamalas ng Banga. Ilan sa mga ito ang sumusunod:

1. Mataas na ang antas ng kasanayan sa pagpapalayukan nang mga panahong ito. Natagpuan sa Bolobok Rockshelter sa Sanga-sanga, Tawi-tawi ang mga unang ebidensya ng palayok sa kapuluan na tinatayang mga 6000 BC, ang sinasabing simula ng panahong Neolitiko sa kapuluan.

May kalakihan ang Bangang Manunggul sa mga karaniwang banga. Kinulayan ito ng hematite (iron oxide) kaya mamula-mula. May desensyo itong tila titik-S na tila mga alon, desenyong laganap nang mga panahong ito sa Timogsilangang Asya. Bagay na nagpapahiwatig naman ng ugnay ng kapuluan sa mga bayan ng rehiyon.

Mas mahalaga, may lilok sa takip ng Banga na bangkang may sakay na dalawang tao. Hindi lamang pagpapalayok kundi pati na paglililok at pagdedesenyo ang dalawa pang kasanayang itinatanghal ng Banga. At hindi lamang palayok, kundi pati na bangkang may sagwan at layag, ang likhang gamit noong araw na ipinapamalas ng banga.

Mangyari pang ipinapahiwatig ng mga ito ang mga kaalamang kinakailangan na taglay ng mga matatandang tao para makalikha ng banga, bangka, sagwan at layag. Halimbawa ang kaalaman ukol sa mga angkop na materyales na gagamitin at kung saan makukuha ang mga ito. O ang mga kaalaman at kasanayan sa paglikha mismo ng mga kasangkapang kailangan sa paggawa. O ang mga kaalaman sa pagpoproseso ng mga materyales at paglikha ng mga kundisyon para magawa ang mga ito lalo na ang banga na kailangan pang lutuin upang maging matibay.

Anupa’t malinaw na itinatanghal ng Bangang Manunggul ang mga kaalaman ng mga sinaunang tao sa kapuluan sa paggawa at paggamit ng banga at bangka gayundin ng mga kasanayan sa pagpapalayukan, pagbabangka, paglililok at pagdedesenyo.

2. Ipinahihiwatig ng banga ang praktis kaugnay ng sinaunang paraan ng paglilibing na ipinapamalas din ng mga sumunod na paghuhukay at ulat etnograpiya. Sa kaso ng Bangang Manunggul, inilibing muna ang namayapa bago muling hinuhukay at nililinis ang buto saka inilalagay sa loob ng banga. Inilagak naman ang banga sa loob ng yungib na nasa isa sa pinakamataas na bahagi ng mga Yungib Tabon, isang pagpapamalas ng kahalagahan at sagradong pananaw sa mga yungib ng mga sinaunang nanahan sa kapuluan.

3.  Ipinamamalas din ng Bangang Manunggul ang ilang paniniwalang ispiritwal ng mga sinaunang Pilipino na sinusugan ng ibang mga paghuhukay at ulat etnograpiya sa Palawan at sa ibang bahagi ng kapuluan. Ilang pananaw ang kagyat na mababanggit:

a. May kaluluwa na ang mga matandang Pilipino mahigit 2,000 pa bago pumaloob ang Islam at Kristiyanismo sa kapuluan. Sinasabing ang tao sa unahan ng bangka sa takip ng Bangang Manunggul ang kaluluwa ng namayapa. Ang dalawang kamay nito ay magkakrus sa harap ng dibdib at may tali ito sa ulo hanggang ilalim ng baba na siya pa ring kaugalian hanggang sa kasalukuyan.

b. May sumusundo o naghahatid sa kaluluwa sa huling hantungan at hindi ito isang nakatalukbong na kalansay na may hawak na karit kundi isang diwata o anito na sumasagwan sa isang bangka. Ito ang ikalawang tao  sa takip ng Banga. Sa mga taga-Panay, ang sumusundo sa kaluluwa ay ang diwatang si Maguayen sakay ng kanyang barangay samantalang sa mga Tagbanwa ng Palawan mismo, ang sumusundo ay si Sumurutun sakay ng mas malaking adyong dahil maraming kaluluwang namatay sa epidemya ang kanyang sinusundo.

c. Bangka ang ginagamit na panundo dahil ito na ang sasakyan sa paglalakbay na gamit noong araw. Mapapansin na ang panolong o unahan ng bangka ay may mukha. Bangkang-kaluluwa ang itinawag dito ng mga taga-National Museum. Gaya ng nabanggit, barangay ang gamit ni Maguayen sa paglalakbay sa ilog patungo sa ilalim ng lupa samantalang adyong naman ang gamit ni Sumurutun na naglalakbay sa hangin patungo sa pagitan ng langit at mga ulap na hantungan ng mga namatay sa epidemya.

d. May kabilang buhay na patutunguhan ang mga kaluluwa ng mga namayapa. Bagaman nasa mga yungib ang mga labi ng mga namayapa, ang kanilang kaluluwa ay nagtutungo o inihahatid sa ibang lugar sa kabilang buhay. Maaaring ito ay nasa kaitaasan, nasa mga matataas na bundok sa kalupaan gaya ng Madyaas ng Panay o kabundukan ng Kalimantan sa Borneo o nasa kailaliman ng lupa gaya nang sa mga Bagobo. Saan man sila mapunta, ang mga kaluluwa ay may sariling buhay sa kabilang buhay.

e. Sa kabuuan, kung pagsasamahin ang mga ipinahihiwatig ng Bangang Manunggul, ng mga dokumentong sinulat ng mga Espanyol at iba pang ulat etnograpiya, matitiyak na may sariling pananaw ang mga matandang Pilipino sa kapaligiran at sa sandaigdigan. Isa itong mundong binubuo ng kaitaasan kung saan naroroon ang langit, ang kalagitnaan o kalupaan kung saan nakatira ang mga tao at ang kailaliman kung saan naman nananahan din ang ibang nilalang at isa nga sa mga rehiyong pinatutunguhan ng kaluluwa.

Mga Sanggunian

1.  Ambrosio, Dante L. ”Balatik: Kalangitan Bilang Isang Saligan ng Kabihasnang

Pilipino,” Disertasyon sa PhD Kasaysayan, UP-Diliman, 2003.

2. Fox, Robert B. The Tabon Caves. Manila: National Museum, 1970.

3. Jocano, F. Landa. Sulod Society: A Study of Kinship and Social Organization of a

Mountain People of Central Panay. Quezon City: UP Press, 1968.

4. Fox, Robert B. Religion and Society among the Tagbanuwa of Palawan Island,

Philippines. Manila: National Museum, 1982.

Salamat po, Pilipina ako

Ni Gloria Esguerra Melencio

Ipinaghele ako sa duyan ng dalawang babaing walang pangalan– isang Bisaya, ang aking ina; at isang Ilokana, ang aking lola. Dala ni Nanay ang kulturang masayahin at mapagmahal ng mga Bisaya; dala ni Mamang ang kulturang masipag at matapang ng mga Ilokano. Nakatutuwa. Dala ko sa puso at pagkatao ko ang kanilang magkaiba ngunit magkaugnay na mga kultura.

Pinatutulog ako ni Nanay sa kanyang awiting “may tanaman nga marampag” (may halamang malago) o sa kuwento ng Bundok Mandiwing na sa panaginip ko lang matatagpuan (may tunay palang Bundok Amandiwing, pinakamataas na bundok sa Leyte na matatagpuan sa bayan ng Dagami). Pinaliliguan ako ni Mamang at nilalagyan ng sabila ang aking buhok. Nakikipaglaro siya sa akin ng sungka. Siya rin ang nagturo sa aking magbasa at magsulat.

Sila ang mga babaing mula sa hilaga at timog na humubog sa aking pagkaPilipina sa kasalukuyang panahon.

Katolika-sarado (nakakandado pa) si Nanay. Isa siyang mamaratbat (pinuno sa pagdarasal) sa sinilangan niyang bayan sa Palo. Karaniwang sinusundo siya upang mamuno sa pagdarasal sa namatay na kamag-anak o kababayang nakatira sa malalayong liblib na pook. Namumuno siya sa pangangadi (pagdarasal) sa wikang Waray. Kabisado niya ang mahabang litanya ng dasal na maindayog-pasiday (patula) niyang binibigkas na sinasagot naman ng mga taong (parasabat) dumadalo at nakikiramay sa namatayan.

May iba’t ibang uri ng dasal na pinamumunuan si Nanay. Tinatawag ito ng mga mamaratbat na Santo Rosario (Holy Rosary), panghinutas (pahimakas), dasal sa patay (tresayo), at ika-cuarenta nga dias (ika-40 araw ng kamatayan).

Ayon sa Diccionario Bisaya-Espanol Para Las Provincias de Samar y Leyte ni Padre Antonio Sanchez noong 1895, nangangahulugang “de patay” ang salitang “mamaratyon,” bagay na nag-uugnay sa pamamaratbat sa pagpapahimakas sa patay. Binigyang-kahulugan din sa diksyunaryo ang “pamaratbat” bilang “ paulit-ulit na pagsagot sa dasal” (akin ang salin).

Matatandang babae ang karamihan sa mga mamaratbat o pamaratbat na nagsasalin nito sa bawat henerasyon ng kanyang panahon. May mga lalaki ring mamaratbat ngunit mabibilang lamang ito sa daliri. Wala pa akong nakikitang lalaking mamaratbat sa aking pakikipanayam sa Samar at Leyte sa loob ng isang taon.

Tinanong ko si Nanay minsan kung bakit siya namumuno sa dasal. Ganito ang tugon niya sa akin: “Para kunta mabuligan ko pagtabok an kalag han tawon.” ( Upang matulungan kong tumawid ang kawawang kaluluwa [mula marahil sa mundo ng mga buhay patungo sa mundo ng mga patay] – akin ang dagdag.)

Naging aktibidad ng buong komunidad ang ritwal ng pagdarasal kung saan nagkikita-kita ang magkakamag-anak, magkakaibigan at magkakapitbahay upang damayan at pagaangin ang pagdadalamhati ng mga nabubuhay. Kaya marahil may salitang dalamhati sa Tagalog: dalawang hati sa anumang mabigat na pakiramdam na dalahin ng nagluluksa ang isang hati; at aakuing dalahin naman ng nakikiramay ang isa pang hati.

Naghahanda ng pagkain ang nagpapadasal sa mga mamaratbat at sabay-sabay na nagkakainan pagkatapos ang mga dumalo sa padasal. Gumagaan ang pakiramdam ng namatayan. Ipinagbabawal ng mga Waray ang pag-awit at pagsayaw habang nasa burol ng patay. Ginagawa lamang ang pag-awit at pagsayaw sa mga piyesta, kaarawan at anumang piging na walang patay.

Mananalaysay ng kasaysayan si Nanay. Kilala niya ang mga ninuno ng mga namatayan. May listahan siya ng mga pangalan ng mga namatay na kamag-anak na iniisa-isa niyang tinatawag sa litanya ng pamatbat. Nakagugulat malamang nababanggit ang pangalan ng matandang Bancao, pinuno ng pag-aalsa ng mga Bisaya laban sa mga conquistadores noong ika-17 dantaon sa dasal ni Nanay at iba pang mamaratbat na narinig kong nagdasal sa iba’t ibang bayan ng Samar at Leyte.

May malakas namang impluwensya ang Simbahang Aglipayan sa pagiging Katoliko ni Mamang. Mga Carbonel-Novicio-Lagasca ang angkang pinagmulan ni Mamang sa La Union at Pangasinan. May mga malalapit kaming kamag-anak na paring Aglipayan, lalaki at babae, na may mataas na kamalayang pampulitika. Bagaman at matagal nang nangyari ang Pag-aalsang Novicio (1884) sa Pangasinan kung saan nilabanan ang mga opisyal sa pamahalaan dahil sa mataas na buwis at iba pa, marahil dito nagmumula ang pagiging mapanlaban ni Mamang sa mga umiral na sistema sa kanyang lipunang ginalawan.

Istrikta at mahigpit si Mamang sa kanyang mga panuntunan sa buhay bagay na kinamumuhian ko, ngunit siyang napapakinabangan ko sa pagharap sa mga pansarili kong suliranin. Palagay ko, nababalanse ng pagiging mapagmahal at malambot na katangian ni Nanay ang pagiging mapanlaban at matigas na katangian ni Mamang sa aking kalooban at pagkatao. Ang pinagsamang mga katangian nilang dalawa marahil ang dahilan kung bakit nakukuha kong pumanatag at kumilos nang mabilis sa panahon ng krisis.

Iginapang ni Mamang ang aking pag-aaral sa panahong nagkasakit at sumuko na sa hirap ang aking ama. Ugali ng mga Ilokanong unahin munang papag-aralin ang mga anak na lalaki, sumunod na lamang ang mga babae kung may matitira pang pampaaral. O kaya naman, ipataan sa ama at mga anak na lalaki ang mga hita at dibdib ng manok, gayundin ang bahaging malaman sa isda. Samantalang pakpak at paa ng manok o ulo at buntot na bahagi ng isda ang sa ina at mga anak na babae. Kadalasang gulay at sabaw na lamang ang masayang pinaghahati-hatian ng mga babae. (Isa ito marahil sa mga dahilan kung bakit higit na mahaba ang buhay ng babae kaysa sa lalaki sa Pilipinas).

Ngunit sinuong lahat ito ni Mamang at binali ang di-nakasulat na makalalaking tradisyong Ilokano. Pinag-aral niya ako sa Maynila sa paniniwalang may kinabukasan ako sa lungsod kaysa sa probinsya. Hinihintay niya ako sa aming balkonahe pag-uwi ko sa gabi habang nakabantay sa itinira niyang dinengdeng, inihaw na isda at mainit na kanin sa mesa. Matama siyang nagbabantay dahil baka maunahan ako ng mga kapatid kong lalaki o ng lalaking pusa sa aking dapat na hapunan.

Wala sina Mamang at Nanay sa nakasulat na kasaysayan tulad ng nakararaming babaing Pilipina. Mabuti-buti na nga lang na nababanggit ang mga babaeng nasa mataas at gitnang saray ng lipunang Ilokano tulad nina Gabriela Silang at Leona Florentino. Iyon nga lamang, laging nakadikit sa pangalan nila ang higit na sikat nilang asawa o anak. Ganito ang paglalarawan palagi sa kanila: Gabriela Silang, biyuda ni Diego Silang; Leona Florentino, makata at ina ni Isabelo delos Reyes.

Kasama sina Mamang at Nanay sa kulang sa kalahati ng populasyon ng Pilipinas. Sila ang nagpapainog sa lipunang Pilipino sa pamamagitan ng pangangalaga sa mga anak, paglilinis ng bahay, paglalaba ng damit ng pamilya, pagluluto at marami pang gawaing-bahay. Sina Mamang at Nanay ang nagpapagaan at nagbibigay ng kahulugan sa buhay ng bayan.

Ibinabahagi ko ang salaysay na ito sa iba pang Pilipinang may katulad ko ring kasaysayan.

(Pahabol: Lagi kong inilalagay ang apelyido ng aking asawa sa dulo ng aking pangalan. Hinahayaan niya akong magsulat ng mga katulad nitong pangkasaysayang lathalain kahit na nakatambak ang hugasan sa lababo o hindi malinisan ang aming tahanan. Tumutulong rin naman siya sa mga gawaing-bahay. Pinanatili ko rin ang ibinigay na apelyido ng aking ama sa gitna ng aking pangalan dahil permanente niyang ibinigay ito sa akin sa bisa ng batas. Sina Mamang at Nanay ang nagbigay ng aking unang pangalan; si Mamang ang nagmungkahi, pumayag naman si Nanay. Ito ang nagpapaalala sa akin ng kaugaliang pagpapangalan  ng mga ina sa kanilang mga anak noong hindi pa dumarayo ang mga mananakop sa Pilipinas.)

Pag-aalsang EDSA

Ikatlong Bahagi: Pag-aalsang EDSA

Malaki na nga ang iniunlad ng pakikibakang antidiktadura sa pagpasok ng dekada 1980. Pati na ang pampulitika at pang-ekonomiyang kabuhayan ay tila nagbabadya ng di magandang hinaharap para sa rehimeng batas militar.

Mula pa huling dekada ng 1970, tinutulak na ng gobyernong Estados Unidos sa ilalim ng administrasyong Carter ang rehimen tungo sa “normalisasyon” – tungo sa pagbabalik ng mga pormal na institusyon ng demokrasya. Kasama sa proseso ng “normalisasyon” ang ginanap na eleksyon para sa interim Batasang Pambansa noong 1978, ang pormal na pag-aalis ng batas militar noong Enero 1981 at ang pagdaraos ng eleksyong presidensyal noong Hunyo 1981. Lahat nang ito, gayunman, ay ginawa ayon  sa mga kundisyong itinakda ni Presidente Marcos.

Nagsimula na ring tumindi ang krisis pang-ekonomiya na ipinamalas at pinalubha pa ng pagtakas ng isang negosyanteng di makabayad ng utang sa mga bangko.  Umabot ang utang sa daang milyong piso na kinasangkutan ng may 80 kumpanya at bangko. Di biro ang epekto nito sa  negosyo sa bansa. Maging ang malalaking negosyanteng sumuporta sa rehimen sa simula ay nagpamalas ng pagkabahala sa lumulubhang krisis. Gayon na lamang ang tindi ng suliraning pangkabuhayan kung kaya pumailalim ang gobyerno sa programang istruktural ng IMF na lalo lamang nagpahigpit sa pagkasakal ng huli sa bansa.

Samantala, bagaman may paghupa sa armadong pakikibaka ng MNLF, bigla namang sumigla iyong sa CPP sa iba’t ibang dako ng bansa laluna sa Samar at Mindanao. Bukod sa lumaganap ang mga kilos-protesta ng mamamayan higit pa itong naging koordinado kung kaya nakapaglunsad din ng mga pambansang aksyon kabilang ang mga unang mga welgang bayan sa Davao, Negros at Bataan noong 1984. Anupa’t sa lahat ng larangan,  nalagay sa alanganin ang katayuan ng rehimen.

Tatalakayin sa bahaging ito ang mga kagyat na pangyayaring nagbunga ng pagbagsak ng rehimeng batas militar  simula sa pagpatay kay Sen. Benigno Aquino Jr. noong 1983, sa pagdaraos ng eleksyong snap noong 1986 at sa apat na araw na Pag-aalsang EDSA noong Pebrero 22-25, 1986.

Aralin 1: Pagpatay kay Sen. Benigno Aquino Jr.

Kung hindi idineklara ang batas militar noong 1972, magkakaroon sana ng eleksyong presidensyal noong 1973. Ito na ang katapusan ng dalawang terminong panunungkulan ni Presidente Marcos. Sa ilalim ng Konstitusyong 1935, hindi na siya maaaring tumakbo bilang presidente.

Noon pa man, ang inaasahan nang humalili sa kanya bilang presidente ay ang batang senador na si  Benigno Aquino Jr. ng Partido Liberal. Ngunit di  ito naganap. Sa halip na manungkulan sa Malakanyang, sa mga bilangguan ng gobyernong batas militar nakulong ang senador. Isa siya sa mga unang hinuli nang ideklara ang batas militar.

Sa halip na makipagtulungan, pinili ng senador na labanan ang diktadura mula sa loob ng bilangguan. Binatikos niya ang paglilitis sa kanya na isang sibilyan ng hukumang militar. Sa isang pagkakataon, pinaabot niya ang pagtutol sa pagsasagawa ng hunger strike ng mahigit isang buwan. Kahit na pinatawan sila ni Kumander Dante ng NPA ng parusang kamatayan, kapwa nila ipinagpatuloy ang pagbatikos sa rehimeng batas militar.

Sa eleksyong 1978 para sa interim Batasang Pambansa, binuo niya ang partidong LABAN kasama ang iba pa para hamunin ang partido Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) sa Metro Manila. Halatang-halata ng mamamayan ang pandaraya, dahil  hindi pinalusot ng rehimen sa eleksyong ginawa kahit si Aquino na napakapopular pa rin noon.

Bunga ng kanyang pagkakasakit, pinayagan siya ng gobyerno na pumunta ng Estados Unidos para magpagamot noong 1980. Ginamit niya ang pagkakataon para sangguniin ang iba pang mga pulitiko at grupong antidiktadura sa Estados Unidos. Bagaman sinabi niyang isa sa mabungang bahagi ng kanyang buhay ang pananatili sa Estados Unidos, nadama naman niyang nalalayo siya sa kasagsagan ng mga pangyayari sa Pilipinas.

Naisip niyang bumalik sa Pilipinas noong 1983 nang mabalitang may malubhang sakit si Presidente Marcos. Nabalita na rin ang paglalabanan ng mga pangkat sa loob ng gobyerno. Diumano’y pumoposisyon na ang mga ito kung aling pangkat ang mamamayani sakaling mamatay ang Presidente.  Malinaw na usapin, kung gayon, ang problema ng hahalili kay Presidente Marcos dahil walang malinaw na sistema ng paghalili. Lalong magkakagulo ang bansa kung sakali.

Higit sa lahat, lumalakas nga ang paglaban ng mga mnamamayan simula taong 1980. Sa pagkakataong ito, pinili ni Sen. Aquino na bumalik ng bansa upang maging bahagi ng mga pag-aayos para sa hahaliling pamahalaan sakaling mamatay nga sa sakit si Presidente Marcos. Iminungkahi niya na magbuo ng konseho ng mga tagapayo o ng mga nakakatanda upang ayusin ang sistema ng transisyon. Ngunit binalewala  ng Presidente ang kanyang mungkahi.

Sa kanyang pagbabalik, batid ni Aquino ang mga panganib na kanyang susuungin. Agosto 21, 1983 nang lumapag sa Manila International Airport (MIA) ang eroplanong kinasasakyan ni Marcial Bonifacio – ang alyas na ginamit ni Aquino. Habang pababa siya ng eroplano, kasabay ang mga military escort na kumaon sa kanya, binaril at pinatay ang Senador.

Laking pagkabigla ng mga Pilipino nang ibalita ang walang patumanggang pagbaril at pagpatay sa Senador. Ayon sa gobyerno, isang paupahang mamamatay-tao – si Rolando Galman – ang bumaril sa Senador. Binaril din at pinatay si Galman nang oras ding iyon. Mga komunista ang pumatay kay Aquino, sabi ng gobyerno. Walang naniwala sa pamahalaan.

Sa bigat ng seguridad sa paliparan at sa pangyayaring mga militar ang nakapaligid kay Sen. Aquino, at mga militar din ang mga huling kasama ni Galman, naniwala ang lahat na may kinalaman ang gobyerno at militar sa pagpatay kay Aquino. Pinatibay ang paniniwalang ito ng resulta ng imbestigasyon ng Komisyong Agrava  na binuo ng gobyerno para siyasatin ang pangyayari. Itinuro ng resulta ang militar bilang siyang may kasalanan sa pagpatay sa dating Senador.

Habang isinasagawa ang imbestigasyon, bumuhos ang malawak na simpatya ng mamamayan kay Sen. Aquino. Nais nilang ipahayag ang kanilang niloloob: “Sobra na!” Sa burol ng Senador sa simbahang Santo Domingo, mahabang pila ng mga tao ang nagtiis ng  init ng araw at patak ng ulan para makiramay at masilayan ang labi ng dating Senador. Sa paghahatid ng bangkay sa Tarlac at pagbabalik nito sa Maynila, daan-daang libo ang humanay sa lansangan para ito saksihan. Sa araw mismo ng libing, daan-daang libo rin ang sumama sa paghahatid sa dating Senador sa huling hantungan.

Higit pa sa mga ito ang di inaasahang naganap. Sa unang pagkakataon, bumuhos sa mga lansangan ng Makati – ang sentro ng negosyo at pinansya ng bansa – ang mga dilaw na confetti na tanda hindi lamang ng pakikiramay at pakikidalamhati. Pagtutol at paglaban sa katalampasanan ang ipinamalas ng gitnang puwersang kinatawan ng mga empleyado at negosyante ng Makati nang kanilang sabuyan ng dilaw na confetti ang libing at ang mga protestang ginanap dito.

Sobra nga ang ginawang pagbaril at pagpatay sa dating Senador kung kaya tila nagising ang taumbayan sa katalampasanang nagaganap sa ilalim ng rehimeng batas militar. Lalo pang ginatungan ng rehimen ang poot na naglalatang sa dibdib ng mamamayan. Kinabukasan, pagkatapos ng libing, hindi man lamang nabasa sa dyaryo o napanood sa telebisyon ang walang katulad na libing. Garapal na pagtatakip ang ginawa ng pamahalaan. Lalo itong nagpangitngit sa mamamayang lubhang nakakabatid na ngayon ng katotohanan. Humulagpos sa mga malawakang rali at demonstrasyon ang damdaming kaytagal na kinimkim para singilin ang  rehimen sa mga kasalanan sa taumbayan.

Nagsilbing titis na nagpaliyab sa paglaban sa diktadura ang pagpatay kay Sen. Aquino. Kagyat na napasalansangan ang libu-libong mamamayang nagpoprotesta.         Justice for Aquino, Justice for All (JAJA) ang sigaw ng mga biktima ng gobyernong batas militar.  Ito rin ang pangalang ginamit ng kilusang nagkoordina sa mga kilos-protesta.  Sa unang pagkakataon, sumanib ang mga gitnang puwersa ng lipunan sa mga puwersa ng mamamayang kay laon nang nakikibaka laban sa diktadura.

Sinikap ng mga puwersang antidiktadura na bumuo ng malawak na samahan o koalisyon na magsusulong sa paglaban sa rehimen. Mula sa JAJA, nabuo ang Coalition of Organizations for the Restoration of Democracy (CORD). Noong 1985, sinikap na pag-isahin sa isang mas masinsing organisasyon ng mga puwersang antidiktadura sa pagbubuo ng Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN). Ngunit bunga ng mga di pagkakaunawaan, dalawang samahan sa halip na isa ang nabuo. Isa nga ang BAYAN na ang ubod ay binubuo ng mga pambansang demokrata at isa pa ang Bansang Nagkaisa sa Diwa at Layunin (BANDILA) na ang ubod ay binubuo ng mga sosyal demokrata.

Iba’t ibang anyo ng protesta ang inilunsad ng mga mamamayan. Bukod sa mga malawakang rali at demonstrasyon, nagsagawa ng mga tinawag na jogging for justice, pasyalan sa Ayala, window shopping sa Rustan’s, misa at prusisyon. Kapag sa Makati ginanap ang kilos protesta, hindi nawawala ang mga dilaw na confetti na naging tatak na ng protesta.  Naganap noong 1983-1984 ng mga protestang sa lawak ay di pa nasaksihan sapul nang panahon ng batas militar o bago pa ito.

Noong 1984, pinasinayaan ang isang bagong anyo ng protesta ng mamamayan – ang welgang bayan. Ito ang paghinto ng mga normal na aktibidad ng mamamayan bilang protesta. Naglunsad ng welgang bayan sa Davao kaugnay ng usapin ng Pagkain at Seguridad. Nagsagawa ng welgang bayan sa Negros kaugnay ng usapin ng karapatang pantao. Welgang Bayan din ang inilunsad sa Bataan kontra sa plantang nukleyar. Sa huling welgang bayang ito unang nasaksihan ang pagpigil ng mga tao sa armed personnel carrier (APC) ng AFP – pagpigil ng mga sibilyan na muling ginawa sa mas malaking aksyon ng mga mamamayan sa EDSA.

Sinikap ng gobyerno na pahupain ang galit ng mamamayan. Ngunit nagtuluy-tuloy ang mga protesta habang lalo pang lumakas sa buong kapuluan ang armadong paglaban. Bagay na nakabahala hindi lamang sa gobyernong batas militar kundi pati na sa gobyernong Estados Unidos. Isang bahagi nito, kabilang ang Departamento ng Estado, ang nabahala sa paglakas ng impluwensya ng CPP at buong kilusang pambansa-demokratiko sa nagaganap na mga protesta. Nagtangka ang mga ahensya ng Estados Unidos na padaluyin ang mga protesta sa paraang naihihiwalay ang CPP at ang kilusang pambansa-demokratiko habang napapanatili ang impluwensya ng Estados Unidos sa mga nagaganap.

Ngunit ganoon na lamang ang pagkasiphayo ng mga pulitikong kontra-Marcos sa pagsuporta ng Estados Unidos sa rehimen kung kaya pumirma sila sa  kasunduan ng mga oposisyonista na tumututol sa pananatili ng mga baseng militar ng Estados Unidos sa bansa. Isa pa naman ito sa mga sensitibong interes ng Estados Unidos  at isa sa mahalagang dahilan ng pakikialam nito sa mga nagaganap sa bansa.

Aralin 2: Eleksyong Snap

Bunga ng paglakas ng mga protesta at aksyong militar ng CPP-NPA, gayundin ng lumalakas na katangiang anti-imperyalista ng mga pagkilos, lubha ngang nabahala ang Estados Unidos sa nagaganap  sa Pilipinas. Mangyari pang pangunahing pinangangalagaan nito ang mga base militar at iba pang pang-ekonomiyang interes nito sa bansa. Sa buong panahon ng 1985, dating nang dating sa bansa ang mga sugo ng pamahalaang Amerikano kabilang ang pinuno ng CIA na si William Casey at ang pangunahing tagapayo ni Presidente Ronald Reagan na si Paul Laxalt.

Pati na mga ahensya ng gobyernong Amerikano ay nag-isip ng mga paraan upang pahupain ang mga protesta kabilang ang pagpapanukala ng normalisasyon, negosasyon  at rekonsilasyon sa pagitan ng mga nagtutunggaling puwersa, basta mawala sa eksena ang CPP at ang buong kilusang pambansa-demokratiko na may mahigpit na paninindigang anti-imperyalista. Nagpanukala rin ang Estados Unidos ng eleksyong snap para maipakita ang patuloy na pagsuporta  ng taumbayan sa pamahalaang Marcos.

Sa harap ng mga presyur sa gobyernong Marcos, gumawa ito ng sariling mga hakbang para bawasan ang  presyur mula sa mga nagpoprotesta at sa pamahalaang Estados Unidos. Kabilang nga sa mga hakbang na ito ang eleksyon noong 1978 para sa interim Batasang Pambansa, pormal na pag-aalis ng batas militar noong Enero 1981, pagdaraos ng eleksyong presidensyal noong Hunyo 1981 at ang pinakahuling eleksyon para sa regular na Batasang Pambansa noong Mayo 1984.

Gayunman, hindi nabawasan ang presyur. Ipinapalagay ng mga maimpluwensyang sektor sa Estados Unidos  na nawawala na ang suporta ng mamamayan sa pamahalaang Marcos. Noong Nobyembre 1985, bigla na lamang ipinahayag ni Presidente Marcos sa interbyu sa telebisyong Amerikano na ginanap ng madaling araw kung kailan tulog ang maraming Pilipino ng kahandaan niyang magdaos ng eleksyong snap para patunayang suportado pa siya ng  mamamayang Pilipino.

Nagdaos si Presidente Marcos ng eleksyong snap, kung gayon, hindi para bigyan ng pagkakataong makapamili ng presidente ang mamamayang Pilipino kundi para payapain ang mga maimpluwensyang sektor ng Estados Unidos. Sa palagay ng Presidente, kontrolado pa niya ang sitwasyon lalo’t hawak niya ang mga institusyong panghalalan sa bansa pati na ang gobyernong lokal.

Bilang tugon, iniharap na  kandidato ng oposisyon ang balo ni Sen. Aquino, si Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. Hindi malinaw noong una ang kandidato ng oposisyon lalo’t determinado si Salvador Laurel ng UNIDO na tumakbo sa pagkapresidente. Matapos ang mga negosasyon na sinangkutan ni Jaime Cardinal Sin ng Simbahang Katoliko, napagpasiyahang tumakbo sa pagkapresidente si Aquino at pagkabise si Laurel. Samantala, nagkaisa rin ang KBL, makaraan din ang mga pagtatalo, sa kandidatura ni Arturo Tolentino bilang bise ni Presidente Marcos.

Sa mga pagtatalo sa loob ng pangkating Marcos, napaisantabi ang administrador ng batas militar na si Kalihim Enrile. Sa pagtatalong naganap, namayani ang pangkat nina Gng. Imelda Marcos at Heneral Fabian Ver. Sa harap ng pagkakaisantabing ito, kinonsolida ni Kalihim Enrile ang sariling puwersa sa Ministri ng Tanggulang Bansa na kinabilangan ng mga pangunahing lider ng RAM. May plano na sila noon na magkudeta sa  Enero 1, 1986 bago ipinahayag na magkakaroon ng eleksyong snap. Ngunit dahil sa eleksyon, ipinagpaliban ang kudeta. Sa halip, naglunsad ang RAM ng kampanya para sa malinis at patas na halalan.

Nagkaroon din ng  mga pagtatalo sa loob ng  CPP at ng kilusang pambansa-demokratiko kaugnay ng eleksyong snap. Nahati sa panig ng boykot at panig ng partisipasyon ang kilusan. Sa huli, pinagpasyahan ng kilusan na iboykot ang eleksyong snap sa kabila ng masiglang pagtangkilik dito  ng  mga mamamayang kontra-Marcos. Sa palagay ng CPP, pakana ng diktadurang US-Marcos ang eleksyon para iligaw ang mamamayang nag-aalsa at gawing lehitimo ang pananatili ni Marcos sa kapangyarihan. Sa pagboykot, gayunman, napasaisantabi ang CPP at ang kilusang pambansa-demokratiko na siyang layunin din ng pamahalaang Estados Unidos.

Na ang kampanya sa eleksyon ay ginawa  hindi lamang sa hanay ng mamamayang Pilipino, kundi laluna sa kapakinabangan ng mga maimpluwensyang sektor sa Estados Unidos ay ipinamalas ng isang mahalagang hakbang ni Gng. Aquino. Sa susog ng kanyang mga tagapayo at ng kumpanyang Amerikano sa public relations, binawi si Gng. Aquino ang pagtutol sa mga base militar ng Estados Unidos. Sa halip, nanindigan siya sa patakarang “open options” sa usapin ng base. Dahil dito, naging madali ang “pagbebenta” ng kandidatura ni Gng. Aquino sa mga Amerikano.

Sa buong kampanya, napatunayan ang malakas na suporta ng mga tao sa kandidatura ni Gng. Aquino. Ang lakas na ginamit sa pagpoprotesta ang siya ring lakas na ginamit para sa kampanya ni Gng. Aquino. Sa mismong araw ng halalan, Pebrero 7, masiglang ipinagtanggol ng mga tao ang balota sa harap ng mga panlalansi at pandaraya ng KBL. Inamin mismo ni  Kalihim Enrile ang mga ginawang pandaraya noong talikuran niya ang  pamahalaang Marcos.

Isang linggo makaraan ang botohan, hindi pa rin inaanunsyo ang nanalo sa halalan. Malaki ang pagkakaiba sa bilang ng boto ng COMELEC at ng National Movement for Free Election (NAMFREL) na muling ginawang aktibo para subaybayan ang halalan. Nasira ang kredibilidad ng tabulasyon ng COMELEC nang magwalk-out noong Pebrero 9 ang mga computer tabulator dahil di nila masikmura ang pandaraya sa bilangan. Samantala, ang lider ng kinatawan ng kongreso ng US – si Sen. Richard Lugar – na nag-obserba sa  halalan ay nagpahayag ng pagdududa sa naging takbo nito.

Sa kabila ng mga anomalyang iniulat, ayaw pa ring bitawan ng gobyernong Reagan ang pagsuporta sa rehimen. Nang iproklama ng Batasang Pambansa na nanalo sa halalan ang tambalang Marcos-Tolentino noong Pebrero 15, ipinadala pa ng gobyernong Reagan  ang isang sugo, si Philip Habib, para lumikha ng  kasunduan sa pagitan ni Presidente Marcos at Gng. Aquino. Ngunit yari na ang pasya ni Gng. Aquino na ituloy ang laban.

Noon Pebrero 16, ipinahayag ng milyong mamamayan sa Luneta ang tagumpay ni Gng. Aquino sa halalan. Inilunsad nang araw ding ito ni Gng. Aquino ang isang malawak na kampanya ng civil disobedience, kabilang ang di pagbabayad ng buwis at pagboykot sa mga produkto ng mga kroni ni Presidente Marcos.

Habang gumagawa ng hakbang si Presidente Marcos na  ipaloob ang oposisyon sa kanyang pamamahala sa mungkahing pagbubuo ng Council of Elders kung saan may inilaang puwesto kay Gng.  Aquino, lumarga naman ang kampanya ng civil disobedience nito. Samantala, ang kilusang pambansa-demokratiko na napaisantabi sa panahon ng kampanya dahil sa posisyong boykot ay naghanda naman para sa malaking pagkilos sa katapusan ng buwan ng Pebrero  sa pakikipag-ugnayan sa iba pang puwersang antidiktadura.

Nasa ganitong yugto ng pagtutuos ang mga puwersang nagtutunggali nang maganap ang Pag-aalsang EDSA.

Aralin 3: Pag-aalsang EDSA

Nabigla ang marami sa sumunod na pangyayari. Wala sa hinagap ng mga nagsusuri ang naganap. Hindi ito kabilang sa mga senaryong kanilang inisip. Pebrero 22, Sabado – sa press conference na tinawag nina Kalihim Enrile at Hen. Fidel Ramos sa Kampo Aguinaldo, ipinahayag nila ang kanilang paghiwalay sa pamahalaang Marcos. Dito inamin ni Kalihim Enrile na hindi totoo ang ambus sa kanya noong 1972 na ginamit na dahilan sa pagpataw ng batas militar. Inamin din niya na daan-daang libong boto sa Lambak Cagayan ang ginamit para dayain sa eleksyong snap si Gng. Aquino.

Ayon sa kanya, pinili nilang gawin sa Kampo Aguinaldo at Kampo Crame ang kanilang huling tindig laban sa pamahalaang Marcos. Handa nilang tanggapin ang anumang mangyayari. Batid niyang maaaring mangahulugan ng kamatayan ang kanilang ginawa. Hiniling niya sa mamamayan ang suporta nito.

Ano ang nangyari at umurong sa dalawang kampo sina Kalihim Enrile? Natuklasan ni Presidente Marcos ang planong kudeta ng RAM na nakatakda sa Pebrero 23, Linggo. Ipinagtapat ito ng mga nahuling lider ng RAM. Bagaman di batid ng pamahalaan ang lawak ng plano, gumawa ng mga panimulang hakbang sina Presidente Marcos.  Pebrero 20 pa lang ay dinagdagan na ang  depensa ng Malakanyang. Inaresto rin ang mga sundalong guwardiya  ng Ministro ng Kalakalan Roberto Ongpin na nakatalaga sa Ministri ng Tanggulang Bansa. Dahil sa mga naobserbahang kilos ng Malakanyang, nagbago ng plano ang RAM.

Dahil sa pagkatuklas ng planong kudeta, nagpasya si Kalihim Enrile na magkuta sa Kampo Aguinaldo. Sa harap ng bantang pagsalakay ng puwersa ni Presidente Marcos, nanawagan ng tulong sa mamamayan sina Kalihim Enrile. Nanawagan din si Cardinal Sin sa mamamayan na magtungo sa dalawang kampo at ipagtanggol ang mga nasa loob.Kagyat na tumugon ang August Twenty-One Movement (ATOM) ni Butz Aquino. Nagbantay sila sa pinto ng dalawang kampo.

Kagyat din ang naging pagtugon ng mga tao. Sa loob ng apat na araw, pinuno nila ang harap ng mga kampo at ang mahabang bahagi ng EDSA. Nang dumating ang mga marino at mga APC na  sasalakay sa kampo, hinarang nila ang mga ito. Katawan nila ang ginamit nilang barikada para mamagitan sa  dalawang armadong puwersa. Mula Pebrero 23-25, tinatayang may 2 milyong mamamayan ang nagbantay sa EDSA.

Dito lubos na namukadkad ang tinaguriang People Power. Iniharang ng milyong  mamamayan ang kanilang katawan sa pagpigil sa mga sundalo at APC na lulusob sa dalawang kampo. Naghanda sila at namigay ng pagkain sa dalawang magkaharap na puwersa, laluna sa mga nagkukuta sa loob ng dalawang kampo militar. Naghandog sila ng mga bulaklak sa mga sundalo, laluna sa mga sundalong palusob sa dalawang kampo. Nagdasal sila sa gitna ng EDSA. Kung dumanak ang dugo sa EDSA, malamang dugo ng mga karaniwang mamamayan ang pumatak at umagos sa EDSA. Kung sakaling nangyari ito, tiyak na mahihirapang panghawakan ninuman ang mga susunod na pangyayari.

Habang nagtatagal, kumikiling ang balanse ng puwersa sa mga nasa EDSA. Unti-unti,  naglipatan sa panig ng mga nag-alsa ang mga yunit ng pulis at militar. Lalong malaking pagbabago sa balanse ng puwersa ang naganap nang dumating sa Kampo Aguinaldo ang mga helikopter ng Air Force para sumama sa pag-aalsa. Ang lakas na dati’y nasa panig ng rehimeng Marcos ay naagnas unti-unti nang di ito makagawa ng mapagpasyang aksyon laban sa mga mamamayang nagtipon sa EDSA.

Sa Club Filipino sa San Juan, sumumpa sina Aquino at Laurel bilang mga bagong halal na presidente at bise-presidente ng Pilipinas noong Pebrero 25. Nagbuo sila ng  gobyerno habang patuloy na nahihiwalay sa daigdig ang pamahalaang Marcos. Kahit ipinahayag ng Batasan na nanalo si Presidente Marcos sa eleksyon, walang gobyerno ng ibang bansa ang kumilala rito liban sa isa. Nahiwalay si Marcos hindi lamang sa loob kundi pati na sa labas ng Pilipinas. Ang gobyernong Reagan lamang ang nagtatangkang iligtas  pa ang kanyang pamahalaan.

Bunga ng di pagkilos agad para supilin ang mga magkukudeta habang kaunti ang tao sa EDSA, nawala sa rehimeng Marcos ang inisyatiba sa EDSA. Sa lalong pagdami ng tao sa EDSA at sa paligid ng Malakanyang, muling humiling ng suporta ang pamahalaang Marcos sa Estados Unidos. Sa simula, sinikap ng pamahalaang Reagan na makabuo ng huling kompromiso sa pagitan nina Presidente Marcos, Kalihim Enrile at Gng. Aquino. Ngunit nabigo ang mga huling pagtatangka.

Sa loob mismo ng gobyernong Reagan, unti-unti ring nakapangibabaw ang mga nagpapanukalang alisan ng suporta si Presidente Marcos para maisalba ang kalagayan pabor sa patakarang panlabas ng Estados Unidos. Sa harap ng Pag-aalsang EDSA at sa lumitaw na mga moderatong lider nito, nagpasya ang pamahalang Reagan na talikuran na ang rehimeng Marcos. Sa interbyu sa telepono na isinahimpapawid sa radyo, malinaw ang payo ni Laxalt kay Presidente  Marcos – “cut and cut cleanly”. Walang nasabi si Marcos kundi: “I’m so very, very disappointed.” Ganito nagwakas ang rehimeng batas militar. Sa Estados Unidos pa rin nanggaling ang huling salita!

Nang gabi ng Pebrero 25,  tumakas ng Malakanyang sina Presidente Marcos. Ngunit hindi pa rin siya lubusang pinabayaan ng gobyernong Estados Unidos. Dinala siya at ang kanyang pamilya ng helikopter sa ligtas na lugar ng Clark Air Base bago itinuloy sa Hawaii. Dito siya pinatira ng pamahalaang Reagan  hanggang sa mamatay. Bago tumakas, sumumpa  sa pagkapangulo sa Malakanyang si Presidente Marcos noong Pebrero 25.

Samantala, pagkarinig sa pagtakas ni Marcos, lumuha at nagtatalon sa kasiyahan ang maraming nagbantay sa EDSA. Tagumpay ang pag-aalsa laban  sa rehimen!

Ilang Sanggunian

1. Ambrosio, Dante L. “Militanteng Kilusang Manggagawa sa Kamaynilaan: 1972-1982 Paghupa, Pag-ahon, Pag-agos,” di-nakalathalang MA Tisis sa Kasaysayan, UP, 1992.

2. Arillo, Cecilio T. Breakaway. Mandaluyong: CTA and Associates, 1986

3. Bello,  Walden,  David Kinley at  Elaine Elinson. Development Debacle: The World Bank in the Philippines. San Francisco, California: Institute for Food and Develoment Policy, 1982.

4.   Civil Liberties Union of the Philippines. Three Years of Martial Law. Makati: CLUP, 1975.

5.   Javate-de   Dios,   Aurora,  Petronilo  Bn.   Daroy,  at  Lorna  Kalaw-Tirol. Dictatorship  and  Revolution Roots of People Power. Metro Manila: Conspectus, 1988.

6. Schirmer,  Daniel  B.  at  Stephen  R.  Shalom,  pat. The  Philippines  Reader  A  History  of  Colonialism, Neocolonialism, Dictatorship and Resistance. Quezon City: KEN, Inc. 1987.

7.   Seagrave, Sterling. The Marcos Dynasty. New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1988.

8.   Timberman, David G. A Changeless Land. Makati: The Bookmark, 1991.

9. Youngblood, Robert L. Marcos Against the Church. Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1993.

(Larawan mula sa joserizal.titobabes.com)

Historical Markers on Filipino Women’s Sexuality During Spanish Colonial Times

By Gloria Esguerra Melencio
The intention of this research paper is to compile data about the Filipino women’s activities, rituals and customs related to sexuality and mark its historical markers along the way from the 16th century up to 17th century.

The paper asks the following questions: What did the Spanish colonizers find out when they first saw the women? How did the Spanish colonizers view the Filipino women through time? What were the Filipino women’s activities, rituals and customs that pertain to sexuality? How did they express their sexual desires? Why were polygamy, concubinage and abortion practiced ? How did the Spanish colonizers wield the Christian Doctrine to conquer the so-called Evils that plague the Filipino women? What was the perception of the Filipino women of the Spanish colonizers?

Why sexuality? Why Historical Markers?

First, the researcher chooses the sexuality aspect of women as a topic because most of the materials gathered about womanhod focus on chastity, modesty, virginity, relationship with men and everything related to her being a woman that involves conception, childbearing, giving birth or failing to give birth.

Sexuality here as the Webster’s Dictionary defines is the “possession of the structural and functional differentia of sex.”

Second, the researcher sees putting historical markers on the important events related to women’s sexuality using the historical process of Spanish colonization as a backdrop while putting forth forward the social issues that have arisen as past and present-day problems.

Third, the researcher categorizes the historical markers as nodal points in the meeting of two different peoples and cultures – the pagan native Filipinos and the Christian Hispanics – and discovers along the way a metamorphosed culture where can be threshed out specific issues of Filipino women related to sexuality.

The periodization, as the researcher discerns, is fluid. It means the event or symbolical object had begun or surfaced when the Spanish colonizers set foot on the islands in the 16th century and continued until the 17th century. Or may have been continuing up until the present time. Further study on the periods that are marked as nodal points in women’s sexuality is a must in the future because it will provide explanations and clarifications as to what had transpired in the past that led the way to where the women are now in history.

Moreover, this is a challenging and an exciting journey for the researcher.

Historical Marker 1: Sagra , the Barrier (Before and After 1521)

Antonio Pigafetta, Miguel de Loarca, Antonio de Morga, and Fr. Ignacio Alcina had written about sagras at different times. Literally translated as “barrier” (sagka in Tagalog), Pigafetta wrote lengthily about it as a “gold or tin bolt as large as a goose quill” in 1521 which less than 100 years later will also find its way in Alcina’s account.

What is more striking though was Pigafetta’s interviewing the men to ask why do they have to suffer such pain – and a little drop of blood, at that – as they permanently keep the sagras pierced through their private parts. Pigafetta writes:
“They say that their women wish it and that if they did otherwise, they would not have communication with them.”

Alcina attests Pigafetta’s account:

“This was done for a greater incitement to carnal pleasure , not only on the part of the men, but especially the women.”

Morga affirms Pigafetta’s findings and also says the Spanish friars made a great effort to eliminate them:
“With this device, they have communication with their wives, and are unable to withdraw until a long time after copulation. They are very fond of this and receive much pleasure from it, so that, although they shed a quantity of blood, and receive other harm, it is current among them… strenuous efforts are being made to do away with these, and not consent to their use; and consequently the practice has been checked in great part”.

Based on this experience, Morga opines that the women are “very vicious and sensual” and describes the use of sagra as “perverseness.”

The use of sagra had also been prevalent in Cambodia, Bengal, Malaysia and other parts of Asia. Pigafetta, Loarca, Morga and an anonymous writer of the Boxer’s Codex describe the early Filipinos’ version of goat’s hair as a sophisticated material for sagra different from that of other peoples. The natives also use 20 kinds of wheels for sagras. The Boxer Codex puts it to 30.

It pervasiveness throughout the region can be proven in a royal request of a Cambodian queen who dissuaded her minions to stop using sagras for an unexplained reason but which Alcina describes as an “unnatural sin” and causes “virulent cancer.”

He even writes that some men died because of sagra but is not clear if women suffer, too, from the cancerous affliction. However, the cancerous infection as a result of foreign objects such as wood, tin or gold inserted through a body part during repeated sexual encounters should be the reason for reported deaths.

Women demanding for this sexual satisfaction is beyond the colonizers’ world view that expects the women to be modest and chaste. While they cannot control totally what is happening between man and woman in their sexual trysts, the colonizers check on the men’s private parts and punish with beating the men who wore them.

Absence of the words sagra, sacra, sakra or chakra in the Diccionario compiled by Domingo delos Santos and Alfonso Mentrida is a silence that speaks a lot. Its visual existence and use was prohibited, and thus the word not spoken, lest the Spaniards punish the natives. The word has lost its use through time.

Related to this, women use lumay (Bisaya) or gayuma (Tagalog), herb mixed with drinks to seduce their beloved into liking them. Alcina admits in his account that he once gave a woman a “good whipping” for doing so.

Again, like the sagras, lumay or gayuma are representations of ancient Filipino women’s expression of sensuality and sexuality that have transgressed the boundaries of Western standards of morality. But unlike sagras that can be inspected in men’s body, the lumay or gayumas are herbs that can pass on as medicinal and taken internally upon prescription of an herbolaria, a witchdoctor or a babaylan. This survives until the present day in history.

Historical Marker 2:Virginity since 1604

The natives have no concept of virginity. Men are not concerned whether their wives are virgins or not. Men are paid to “deflower” the virgin girls. Pedro Chirino in his account says:
“…they did not value virginity, nor set any store by it, regarding it rather as misfortune and degradation.

Virgin girls are brought to the men whose work is to “ravish” them so that they are no longer virgins when they get married. The natives believe that virginity is a “hindrance” and an “impediment” for the husbands during the first few nights of marriage.

Loarca further emphasizes that it was a disgrace for any woman not to have a sweetheart because she is deemed as “ugly” or may be surmised as unwanted. Or is it because it is meant as completeness and wholeness? Alcina cites in his account that a woman who died a virgin or had only one husband is called a bingil (Bisaya) and buried with her is a half coconut shell and a pati (half-ax handle). What do the half coconut shell and half-ax handle mean? Why are they halves? Are round coconut and elongated ax mean the woman’s and man’s sex organs respectively? Can one-half mean there is a need for another half to complete the essence of each other’s being?

In line with this, ancient Filipinos circumsise both the male and female children. Female children are circumcised where a slit is made to ensure there is an opening in the girl’s private part. Again, the purpose of female circumcision is to prepare the girl for less painful sexual encounter during her first sexual act with a male.

But while the outright elimination of sagra is explicitly mentioned in the historical accounts, there is no single account that reveals the prohibition of female circumcision. Sagras had been replaced by the bolitas ; female circumcision was replaced by nothing. The Spaniards point to the Chinese as the source of sagra; they also blame female circumcision to the Moros who are said to be the “source of this Mohammetan practice.”

Historical Marker 3: Slavery of Women (Before 1609 and Onwards)
Fray Pedro de San Pablo, preacher and provincial minister of the Philippines Islands, wrote a long letter to Charles V in 1619 approximating the relatively “peaceful” life of the native Indians before Governor Don Juan de Silva established shipyards and fleets in 1609. The Governor, according to him, forced the Indians to work and conscripted them in “compulsory service” that made this grand plan of ship building possible.

Along the process, many natives were made slaves, “many others were killed” presumably when they refused to be part of the labor force and some escaped to the woods to save their lives.

An item in the letter reveals about the women slaves who were made to labor for the ship sailors and most likely act as sex slaves while on board the ships. Fray de San Pedro requests the Majesty in his letter this numbered item:
“23. Item: That slave women be not conveyed in the ships, by which many acts offensive to God will be avoided. Although that is not prohibited by your royal decree, and it is also entrusted to the archbishop to pace upon them the penalty of excommunication and to punish them, this evil has not been checked; and many sailors – and even others, who should furnish a good example – take slave women and keep them as concubines. He knew a certain prominent official who carried with him fifteen of these women and some were delivered of children by him, while others were pregnant, which made a great scandal.”

Documents of 1609 that include among others a report of the Jesuit Missions confirms the prevailing abduction of women in the inner part of the islands to be sold later as slaves and prostitutes. The report quotes:
“XI. The attention of Ours at Tinagon has wisely been given to the women since they are more ready to take on an interest in sacred things, and are more seldom absent from the village – except when one or another makes her escape from the hands of some procurer, preferring to pass the nights in the forest and mountains in the midst of serpents, rather than at home to suffer danger to her chastity among men that are as deadly.”

Selling slaves – men and women – has been so rampant because it was profitable. Fray de San Pablo even urged the King to issue a Royal Decree to stop the trade as this is “evil” and may “destroy” Spain in the future. He continues in the letter:

“24. Item: That no sailor, and no passenger unless he be a person of rank, be allowed to take more than one male slave…”

He explains that slaves consume the food provision in the ship and also steal while on board. He discloses, too, that they are charged additional tax for each slave when they dock at any port.

Fray de San Pedro likewise narrates in the letter that ordinary seamen are not treated well and die of hunger and cold while working on the vessel. They are not given clothes (they are not used to wearing such because they are from the interiors of the land) so that they freeze and eventually die at dawn). If this is how the seamen are treated, the questions that come to mind are: How are the male slaves treated? How are the female slaves turned concubines treated too? His letter does not mention anything about how male or female sex slaves are treated thereat.

The preacher emphasizes in the letter toward the end:
“If he (the letter writer) were to tell them in detail the evil that is done to them, it would fill many pages. He petitions your Majesty to change your governor straitly to remedy this.”

What is surprising is that decrees have already been issued even earlier. Felipe II and Felipe III in two separate edicts in 1597 and 1608, respectively, prohibited the selling of slaves to Nueva España and ordered the limiting of the slaves’ number while on ship. Felipe III in particular issued Law LVI that says:

“It has been reported that the passengers and sailors of the trading ships of Filipinas transport and carry the slave-women who are the cause of very great offenses to God and other troubles. This should be prohibited and reformed (and more reasonably so in a navigation so long and dangerous)…For the remedy of this, we order and command…not to permit any slave-women to be transported or carried on those ships…”

Abducting a woman is also done to show political strength as what Governor Morales of Jolo did during the same period. He abducted the beautiful daughter of Salibanza, a local datu, that angered the father so greatly. Salibanza staged a conspiracy against Morales in retaliation.

Historical Marker 4: Concubinage (Before 1577 and Onwards)

The Spanish colonizers, secular or religious, keep the native women as mistresses. Sinibaldo de Mas notes in his short-stay in the Philippines that the general weakness of Spanish men is concubinage. They call them despenseras (stewardess) and later, queridas. They may be the laundrywomen, vendors, cooks, modistas, house or church cleaners – all women who serve and make the Spanish men’s lives easier.

Mas, a diplomat and a traveler exposed to so many cultures, has no ill words for the native Indian women but regards concubinage as a normal way of life. He allows the one he is reporting to read between the lines:
“Many keep a mistress…inside and outside the convent. The convent in Filipinas has no cloister, as it is a parochial house. And this fault, if one considers the climate of the country, the circumstance and the ideas of the natives, is to say, truth, the most excusable and the least harmful.”

Mas’ statement pointing to the “circumstance and ideas of the natives” on the issue of concubinage is highly palpable. He excuses the Spanish men from committing such and blames it altogether to the natives.

Earlier, 71 years before Mas’ report, a Pastoral Letter entitled Instruction to the Clergy was issued to the friars in the Phippines imposing rules on the conduct of the Spanish friars in their parishes. The Pastoral Letter in several numbered items reads:
“8. They shall not allow the dalagas (i.e , young girls) or any woman to clean the church; the sacristan must perform this duty…
10. No woman shall enter the clergyman’s house.”

The need for this Instruction item numbers 8 and 10 reveals a situation that involves women and Spanish friars. What is this situation? Why are the dalagas not allowed to clean the church? What has been happening inside the clegyman’s house? Why did the Instruction not mention the problem? Is it up to covering something?

Is the answer to the above questions the reason why the older women, Manang in many Filipino languages, the ones who clean the altar, arrange flowers and do other church chores up until this time?

For the Spanish soldiers who are not required by the Catholic Church’s dictum of celibacy and are not regarded to become the vanguards of morality, Francisco de Sande was proud to write about their “improvement” as regards concubinage in 1577. He reveals:
“ It is desirable that the soldiers should always lead honest lives; but as they are young, and the women in this country are so many and so bad, it is more difficult to correct this evil.”

De Sande’s description of “improvement” among the Spanish soldiers again reveals the existence of rampant concubinage in the Philippine Islands where the men are stationed. Much like Mas, de Sande justifies the sexual affairs but is outright explicit when he claims that because the men are young, the need for sex with women is only but natural. De Sande likewise is clear in blaming the native women’s increasing population and state of being “bad” (“lewd,” “unchaste” and “lustful”) that the men cannot refuse them.

In 1594, a petition was presented to the Governor to act on widespread concubinage. The petition reads:

“There are reports, and even numerous complaints from both the secular and religious sources, and for lack of means to pay the fees, many persons do not marry, but live in concubinage; the Jesuits think that this fee-system is wrong and that the priest should be content with his stipend, at least among the poor, whether Indians or Spaniards; this applies to both regular clergy and to friars; the bishop is urged to remedy this abuse. (The Petition Presented to the Governor by the City and the Encomenderos on the 15th of February 1591, BR Vol. 5, p. 317.)

There has also been cases of native Indian men committing concubinage. One such celebrated case that merited several pages in Alcina’s accounts is Sumuroy’s alleged having a querida. Alcina reports this act necessitated an “admonishment” that angered Sumuroy, a sacristan and son of a babaylan, to high heavens.
He eventually abandoned his wife to live with his querida. The parish priest after hearing this, took the woman away and sent her to Catubig several miles away from Palapag. This angered the native and was reported as the reason for the Sumuroy-led uprising in 1649. He killed Fathers Miguel and Damian during the attack.

Kasaysayang Bayan: Sampung Aralin sa Kasaysayang Pilipino has another reason for the Sumuroy Uprising. It gets out of the old mold and traces the uprising to the general sentiment of the Samareños – having influenced by the native religion – against the conscripted forced labor that had sent many Bisayans (who are the best shipbuilders- Alcina) to Cavite dockyards.

Historical Marker 5: Marriage and Divorce (Before 1582)
The so-called uncivilized natives consider it a disgrace to bear a child out of wedlock. Children born outside of marriage, regardless of rank (datu, maharlika, timawa and ayuey), do not inherit anything unless the father or mother has no legitimate heirs or alive relatives of nearest kin.

Juan de Plasencia says the natives have a caste-like system and laws about inheritance by way of marriage are as varied and complicated. The slaves have a confusing strata that there are a “full-slave”, a “half-slave;”, a “quarter-slave”; aliping namamahay, aliping saguiguilid for the Tagalogs; and tumataban and tumatarampoque for the Bisayans.

They usually marry their relatives but cannot marry those belonging to the first degree of consanguinity. Thus, nieces and nephews are sometimes married to uncles and aunts.

No one marries below his or her rank in the Bisayas but there were cases of cross-marriages among the Tagalogs. A datu and a woman binukot marry in an elaborate marriage ceremony by joining hands together over a dish of rice in a makeshift venue that is made just for the occasion. People of other ranks do not do this ritual as doing so will be disrespectful for the datu and binukot.

The timawas finalize their marriage by drinking pitarilla in one cup. Marriage ritual is done after the symbolical drinking towards the evening. Rich and respectable slaves have this ritual too.

The ayueys or the slaves just say “Let us marry” and they are married without fanfare.

Upward mobility of rank happens when a free woman bears a child from a slave. The children of this union become free provided that the woman is not married to the slave.

Bethrotals of would-be children among friends are a way of life, says Loarca. Punishment and fines are imposed on those who cannot make true with their promise.

So-called heathens marry and divorce each other in ceremonies that is in accordance with their rank. Returning of the dowry of the one at fault (in case of adultery) to the one without blame is enough for divorce. Chirino emphasizes:

“Not even married women felt honor bound to remain faithful to their husbands, although the husbands deeply resented their wives’ adultery and considered it a very just cause for repudiating them.”

A datu can kill his wife and her other man caught in the act of adultery. Minor penalty and punishments are imposed on the slaves for same crime.

On the other hand, a datu who commits adultery pays the wife a handsome amount before final separation. In cases where he cannot pay, his relatives help out in the payment in according to degree in accordance with the kinship. Should the datu fail to pay for the retribution, he becomes a slave until such time that he can pay the ransom.

Dowries are given to the parents as a way to compensate for raising the daughters. Dr. Jose Rizal in his annotation of Morga’s account writes:

“This dowry of one may call it so, represented to the parents an indemnity for the care and vigilance that they had exercised for their daughter’s education. The Filipina woman, never being a burden to any one (either to her parents or to her husband), but quite the contrary, represents a value, whose loss to the possessor must be substituted…The Tagal wife is free, and treated with consideration; she trades and contracts, almost always with the approbation of her husband, who consults her in all her acts. She takes care of the money and educates the children, half of whom belong to her…”

In the Visayas and Mindanao, dowries are “returned” to the giver when the marriage is annulled. But when the parents are poor and cannot produce the dowry back, it is repudiated.

Historical Marker 6: Polygamy (Before and During 1604)

Chirino notes that some of the natives practice polygamy which is not a custom in Manila, Panay and other Islands. They usually have one wife or one husband. Datus and wealthy men are allowed to take on concubines if the wife cannot bear children.

But Chirino got the surprise of his life when he discovers a woman who has two husbands. He narrates:

“I was in the Philippines almost 10 years without knowing of a man married to several women, until I came to the islands of Ibabao and Leyte, for in Manila, Mindoro, Marinduque and Panay where I had stayed, I had not seen any such thing practiced. I had only been told by a certain Spaniard that it was the practice in a part of Mindanao, towards Dapitan, for one Bisayan woman (for the people of Mindanao are also Bisayans) to marry two husbands, and that having several wives was known only among the Mohammedans, who are settled in Mindanao and in Burney. The fact is that it is not a general practice in the Philippines to marry several wives, nor is it common even in those places where it is sometimes practiced. The more common and more widespread custom is to marry one wife only.”

This poses a problem to the priests in the conversion of the natives to Christianity. For if the datus and chiefs are the ones having more than one wife, the Spanish friars cannot dissuade their throng of followers to be baptized in the church. Alcina tells of his experience in his book where he was able to convince the local chieftain to choose his favorite concubine and leave his other wives and were converted to Christianity eventually.

Historical Marker 7: Abortion (Before 1582)

The undated Boxer Codex and Loarca in 1582 record the practice of abortion among the native women. It is universally practiced by ancient Filipinos, according to both of them. The Boxer Codex reports:

“There this calling (abortion) and by massaging the stomach and placing certain herbs the creature later dies and the pregnant woman aborts.”

The natives do not want many children and consider having plenty of them a “disgrace” especially when the man and woman are not married. It is the unmarried who are accustomed to this practice of abortion, reveals the Boxer Codex, for they consider it a “dishonor” for an unmarried woman to give birth.

The Codex likewise reveals that the Moros and the Bisayans “kill” the offsprings. Majority of the women are used to having many births but would like to have fewer children.

Loarca says that the division of inheritance among many children reduces the share of each child. He explains that “when the property is to be divided among all the children, they will all be poor, and that it is better to have one child and leave him wealthy.”

Conclusion: Historicity of  Women’s Social Blueprint

The Trend in Historical Markers

Based on the data gathered, seven historical markers related to the Filipino native women’s sexuality had happened during the 16th century until the 17th century: sagra (before and after 1521), virginity (since 1604 and onwards), slavery of women (before 1609 and onwards), concubinage (before 1577 and onwards), marriage and divorce (before 1582), polygamy (before and during 1604) and abortion (before 1582).

Over-all trend during the identified historical markers shows coercion and physical abuse of the native women by the colonizers in the whole of the Philippine islands, regardless of the women’s rank in society or age.

During the first nodal point, Spaniards conducted a virulent war against the babaylans, the embodiment of the paganistic beliefs visually seen in women’s bodies, because they “made every effort so that the Spaniards might not set foot on land.”

As the first nodal point proceeds to the second and third nodal points from 1521 up to 1604 and 1609, it can be gleaned that the colonizers immensely enjoyed the fruits of their sacrilegious labor as they reap left and right profits from selling women’s bodies and taking in control of other people’s lives. This created quite a stir among the native population and instilled fear to the women who do not hold weapons other than the bolos they use to cultivate the land.

Marriage and divorce customs from 1577 up to 1609 showed that the Philippine society regard women as equals with men and that they can freely express themselves sexually.

The colonizers lambast the women for not being virgins as the Spanish friars introduced Virgin Mary as the supposed role model for women and girls.

The names of Tapihan, Cariapa, Tuambaloca (queen of Jolo, 1649-50), and Oley may have claimed a space in the remote pages of history but they were only named because they allowed themselves to be baptized by the Spanish friars. More unnamed and faceless native women had been lost through time either because they remained to be themselves unaffected by foreign influence, refused to be baptized or they squarely faced the colonizers in uprisings and revolts.

Women slaves had been forcibly taken, sold, raped and impregnated. Trafficking of women for sexual gratification can be said to have begun in this landmark period.

Abuse is very common in the provinces. The friars whip the girls and women with a thong, even in the presence of their husbands, who dare not say anything. This is not done in Manila. Women are punished and whipped in public for not going to church even for a day, Le Gentil continues.

A women-blaming syndrome in the course of this research emerges. The blame has always been put on women because they are “many, lewd, lustful, lascivious, unchaste, immodest, immoral, deceptive, weak in mind” and so forth and so on. The concubines or the queridas are the reason for the men’s uprising against the foreign colonizers, as in the case of Sumuroy’s Uprising in Palapag, Samar.

Because of mentioned oppressions at different periods in history that has persisted for a long time, the native Indian women much like the babaylans, hate the Spaniards. Their actions and reactions – that need to be retrieved and again must be read between the lines – deserve another research.

Tracing the Women in History

Tracing the women in history is like separating the grains from the chaff – but this time the chaff is plentier than the grains. It is sieving through a wealth of information only to find out that there is a dearth of data about women that have to be read between the lines. Discovered data must be corroborated and confirmed by other existing authentic accounts as well.

Contribution

The periods are fluid as they are based on existing documents at hand but nevertheless will serve as a guidepost for any future researcher interested on history and women.

Marked event during a certain period establishes its presence and authenticity. The genuine characteristic of the experiences permanently etched in history’s pages becomes now the social blueprint, hopefully, for future reference.

Bibliography

Antonio Pigafetta, First Voyage Around the World, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson (1519-1522), Volume 33, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas de Filipinas, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson (1519-1522), Volume 16, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Miguel de Loarca, Relation, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson (1519-1522), Volume 5, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Miguel de Loarca, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson (1638-1640), Volume 40, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Francisco de Sande, Relation, 1577, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson (1506-1582), Volume 4, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Pedro Chirino, Emma Helen Blair and Richard Robertson, Volume 12, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Compulsory Service by the Indians, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 19, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Documents of 1609, Jesuit Missions, 1608-1609, From Annuae Litterae, Dilingae, 1610. Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, (1609-1616), Volume 17, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000

Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 18, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Reforms Needed in the Philippines, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 18, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Felipe II, Madrid, April 10, 1597, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 17, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Felipe III, San Lorenzo, April 22, 1608, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 17, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Miguel de Loarca, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, June 1582. Translated and annotated in Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume V, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Juan de Plasencia, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume XII, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Fray Juan de Medina, Historia, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 23, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Moro pirates and their Raids in 17th century (Compiled from Various Historians), Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 41, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Pastoral Letter, Don Basilio Sancho de Santa Just y Rufina and of the Apostolic See Metropolitan Archbishop of the Filipinas Islands; Councillor and Preacher to Majesty; Vicar-General of the Royal Forces by Land and Sea in the Eastern Regions) Instruction to the Secular Clergy, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 50, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

Sinibaldo de Mas, Report on the Condition of the Filipinas in 1842, Emma Helen Blair and James Richard Robertson, Volume 52, First Printing, 1903, CD-ROM Edition, Bank of the Philippine Islands, 2000.

F. Landa Jocano (Editor), Boxer’s Codex in The Philippines at the Spanish Contact, R.P. Garcia Publishing, Quezon City, 1975.

Domingo de los Santos, Vocabulatio de la Tagala, CD-ROM Edition

Alfonso Mentrida, Vocabulario del Lengua de Hiligaynon, CD-ROM Edition

Cantius J. Kobak, OFM and Lucio Gutierres, OP (Editors), Francisco Ignacio Alcina,SJ History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands, 1668, Volume I, University of Santo Tomas Publishing House, Manila, 2005.

Cantius J. Kobak, OFM and Lucio Gutierres, OP (Editors), Francisco Ignacio Alcina,SJ History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands, 1668, Volume II, University of Santo Tomas Publishing House, Manila, 2005.

Cantius J. Kobak, OFM and Lucio Gutierres, OP (Editors), Francisco Ignacio Alcina,SJ History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands, 1668, Volume III, University of Santo Tomas Publishing House, Manila, 2005.

Ferdinand C. Llanes at Jaime B. Veneracion (Mga Punong Patnugot), Kasaysayang Bayan: Sampung Aralin sa Kasaysayang Pilipino, National Historical Institute, at ADHIKA ng Pilipinas, Unang Edisyon, 2001.

Boxer’s Codex in F Landa Jocano’s The Philippines at the Spanish Contact, Institute of Philippine Studies, Philippine Center for Advanced Studies, University of the Philippines System, 1975.

Guillame Joseph Hyacinthe Jean Baptiste Le Gentil, A Voyage to the Indian Seas, CD-ROM Edition, First Printed in 1769.

(The author submitted this paper as a requirement for Kasaysayan 321 at the University of the Philippines.)

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Images of Calle Colon: Evoking Memories of a Cebuano Street

By Rhodalyn C. Wani

Within the heart of the downtown district of Cebu City lies Calle Colon, a street that continually evokes memories in the minds of many Cebuanos. In this street, which has been home to aging yellowish and gray buildings, the hustle and bustle of everyday life is evident in the persistent blaring of horns from jeepneys, the infernal haggling of vendors and their customers over articles such as belts, shoes, and other ornaments, and the excited giggles and laughter of students walking towards their schools. In this street that has borne witness to the city’s long history, various nooks and crannies speak softly of rich and colorful narratives of the Cebuano and his urban identity.

As a child, I had walked down this street, clinging dearly to my mother’s arm as she warned me against sly pickpockets or the more blatant snatchers. I had watched fascinated at the seemingly deft expertise shoe shiners and jewelry cleaners poured into their crafts. Not far away, an occasional tartanilla clip-clopped along the street capturing the attention and amazement of a young and curious mind such as mine. This was my first memory of Calle Colon.

Through the years, Calle Colon continued to exist in my mind as a vivid image of a street with dark back alleys riddled with prowling pickpockets or snatchers. Little did I know that my own image of Colon was only one amongst many others that Cebuanos had of this historic street.

Much more than this, my succeeding re-acquaintance with the street would lead me to realize that these various images evoked through individual memories not only provided a glimpse of Colon’s rich and colorful history but helped weave a story of the Cebuano coming to grips with his urban identity as well.

This paper attempts to explore the various images of Colon as illustrated in the memories of individual Cebuanos have of this street. Fourteen in-depth interviews conducted from the period of December 2005 to October 2007 will be examined in detail. Primary and secondary literature will also be used to supplement existing data found in the interviews.

Community of Chinese Traders

Calle Colon is located within the district of Parian,  and thus, the former’s early history is inextricably linked with the latter. The earliest account we have on the existence of Parian comes from a Jesuit priest, Pedro Chirino, assigned to administer missionary activities in Cebu during the late 16th century and early 17th century. Writing in 1595, Chirino described the formation of three distinct communities in Cebu: a community of Spaniards located near the pier, a community of locals found in the southwest, and a community of approximately two hundred Chinese (“two hundred souls”) living to the north of Fort San Pedro.  Although by no means the first group of Chinese to have disembarked in Cebu, this group is distinguished for being among the first to establish a permanent settlement in the area.

Much similar to their predecessors, the Chinese in Parian lived primarily through the trade they conducted while traversing the length of the Parian estero. Early maps of Cebu show the Parian estero flowing from the northeast at Tinago, gently lolling to the west, swooping down south to an area near Ermita and San Nicolas, and finally returning to the sea. Interestingly, Calle Colon runs parallel to the Parian estero and although early Spanish accounts fail to mention a specific street in this area, it is not hard to imagine the existence of a primitive pathway used by the Chinese as they fared along their day-to-day trading activities.

Although the Parian estero has since silted up, the memory of it being once navigable and used by Chinese traders has remained to this day. Cebuano folklorist, Abellana, for example, mentioned the commerce that abounded on this estero in his search for the pre-Spanish Cebuano. This market place (Parian) was bounded by the Parian and Tinago esteros which were navigable before. At Parian estero, Sampans or flat-bottom boats which were loaded with different merchandise were able to be flowed up to the vicinity of the Oriente Theater today.3

Another vivid portrayal comes from a former resident of Colon, who once remembered this flowing estero, no doubt reliving a memory passed down to her from older generations. Centuries ago, the Estero de Parian was wide and deep, its water flowing constantly. Sailing vessels loaded with merchandise from such exotic places as Siam, Arabia, and China navigated the waterway that snaked west to east, traversing the three streets of Old Parian.

It is this same image of active Chinese traders in Parian that has been carried over to describe Calle Colon’s early history. A more recent Asean Summit held in Cebu in 2007, for example, portrayed Colon as an early community for the Chinese. Bold, large and red lanterns were strewn up carefully along the buildings, while dancers dressed in Chinese costumes eagerly paraded the length of the street.

This image of Colon as a community of Chinese traders has lived through the times.

Sometimes pushed out of the spotlight to make room for more contemporary images of Colon, it has nevertheless resurfaced time and time again to aid the Cebuano in his search for the early beginnings of Calle Colon.

Home of the Chinese Mestizo Gentry

Trade in Cebu, however, was not a continuous process of progression and it had its fair share of ups and downs. By the end of the 16th century and for approximately two centuries thereafter, trade in the island had noticeably decreased as the lucrative galleon trade in Manila increased in dominance. A short-lived attempt by the Spaniards in Cebu to engage in the galleon trade from 1594 to 1604 temporarily stimulated trade, but ended dismally as several decrees on what type of goods could be trafficked heavily restricted merchants from benefitting fully from the trade.

The effect of the trade stagnating during this time had drastic effects in Cebu. Many Spanish merchants, looking for better opportunities, opted to move to Manila and engage in the galleon trade there. In fact by 1738, there were only one or two Spaniards left living in Cebu who were not priests or administrators.  In addition to the weakening trade in Cebu, a series of decrees propagated in 1760 expelling the Chinese from the Philippines also brought the number of Chinese living in Parian down to 18 to 25. Cebu, relegated to becoming an “economically depressed backwater” at this time, was observed by 18th century travelers as a “small village” or an “assemblage of a few miserable huts.”

Meanwhile, by the 19th century, Parian and its surroundings began to go through a transformation of its own. The Parian estero, once a flowing waterway used by enterprising merchants, began to silt up and make transportation of goods more and more difficult. Hence, as the commercial value of the area began to decrease with the drying up of a major waterway, Parian transformed into a predominantly residential area for a new growing class of Chinese mestizos who would later play an integral role in the economic boom experienced by the city in the late 19^th century.

Our next image of Colon primarily comes from this period of Colon’s history when Parian’s geographical transformation marked the beginnings of a Chinese mestizo gentry residing in the area. Distinct Cebuano families with Chinese-mestizo backgrounds such as the Osmeñas, Climacos, Velosos and Gantuangcos to name only a few, made their homes in large houses lining up Colon and created a community of close-knit members affiliated by blood or marriage.

The Chinese mestizos’ balay na tisa, a house built with a combination of wood and stone, exemplified the quintessential Filipino house. Typically two-story in structure, the main living area was found on the upper level of house, while the lower level served as a work or storage space for the family. Windows were made of wood and capiz shells and lined up below with ventanillas, or small shuttered windows instrumental in making the insides of the houses breezier.

A former resident of Colon once described the houses found in the area: Parian’s old houses had a dignity all their own (…) These ancestral homes were made of limestone blocks, enormous posts of durable molave, likewise molave walls, and attractive red-tile roofs (…) The windows of Colon houses were of sturdy wooden frames and pretty lampirong or capiz panes. The sliding panels of wood were easily opened and closed. It was very cool within our homes… Most, if not all, houses in Colon had an open and roofless space called the azotea. Although usually found as an extension of the main house, the azoteas of Colon’s houses were found on the rooftop of the house itself. Newly-washed clothes were often hung up to dry in these azoteas, but aside from this practical purpose, the azoteas served as a space for entertainment.

Just as the houses in Colon gave the street a unique appearance, its residents, too, played a unique role in shaping much of Cebu’s affairs in the late 19th century. Many Chinese mestizo families engaged in several commercial activities connected with the production of cash crops such as sugar, abaca, and cotton, while others went on to form successful business firms and served as agents for a burgeoning number of foreign commercial houses in Cebu.

By the turn of the century, Colon was home to a distinct community of Chinese mestizo gentry who played integral roles in shaping much of Cebu’s modern society. Dotting the historic street with their lavish and luxurious houses, these homes have come to epitomize another rich image of Colon, a portrait of times when life was much simpler yet more bountiful.

Flourishing Center of Cebuano Theaters and Cinemas

Along with an increase in economic activities in Cebu came a greater appreciation for the theater arts. The early 20th century marked another point in Colon’s history as numerous theaters flourished in the street. Showcasing several Cebuano talents in play-writing and acting, Cebuanos visited Colon primarily to watch and enjoy the increasingly popular dulaang binisaya. With the advent of “talkies” during the 1930s, the theaters in Colon slowly transformed into cinemas, and although the outbreak of World War II in 1942 wrought massive destruction in the area, these cinemas rose from the ashes and continued to proliferate well into the 1980s.

One famous theater found at the junction of Colon and Osmeña Boulevard at the turn of the 20th century was the Teatro Junquera (or Teatro Oriente as it was came to be known later on). Built in 1886 by Inocencio Junquera Huergo y Sanchez on a lot formerly owned by Rafael Veloso, the theater has changed ownership from Pedro Rivera-Mir, Leopold Falek, until finally falling into the hands of Jose Avila. Most famous for having staged the first modern dulaang binisiya, “Gugma sa Yutang Natawhan” by Vicente Sotto in 2 January 1902, the theater has since then become home to the works of famous Cebuano playwrights such as Piux A. Kabahar and Buenaventura Rodriguez.

Another theater standing close to the corner of Colon and Osmeña Boulevard was Cinema Royo, which was built on a former cockpit owned by Pedro Royo. Although considered as the cheapest theater in its time (each ticket was priced at 5 centavos, while other theaters charged 20 centavos per ticket), its seats, unfortunately, had no back support and were uncomfortable.

Nevertheless, the theater still became a favorite venue for much-awaited boxing matches. Vision Theater was another distinct structure found in Colon during this time. Built by Agustin Jereza, its famous facade of naked women sculpted by Italian artist Dante Guidetti proved controversial upon its inception. Most famous now for being the only pre-war building left standing in Colon, its walls have borne witness to other historic events. In 1938, for example, the first Cebuano talking motion picture,“Bertoldo-Balodoy,” was premiered in this theater. A few years later, with World War II looming over the archipelago, the USAFFE forces set their headquarters here as well. At the heyday of its existence, Vision Theater proudly hailed its status as the “reyna sa mga sinihan sa Kabisayaan ug Mindanaw.”

As World War II broke out in Cebu in 1942, fleeing Americans bombed several parts of the city. Fires razed buildings in Colon to the ground and the only structure that remained standing was the Vision Theater. Residents rushed to gather their belongings for what many believed to a be a few days of intermittent battling with the Japanese forces, but proved to be a three-year long exodus into the northern and southern towns. Many returned to Colon after the war not to rebuild their homes, but instead to lease their lots to several businesses. The war ended Colon’s predominantly residential character of the former years and paved the way open to a purely commercial district in later years.

The period after the war saw the continued proliferation of numerous cinemas in Colon. In addition to pre-war theaters such as Teatro Oriente and Vision Theater, as many as twenty cinemas were built in Colon during this time. With cinemas such as Cebu Theater, King Theater, Lane Theater, Majestic Theater, Star Theater, Venus Theater, Premiere, President, Cinema, Eden, Superama, Cinerama, Ultra Vistarama, Seven Arts and Victor, Cebuanos acquired a taste not only for Hollywood and Chinese films, but local films as well.

At a time when entertainment could only be found in cinemas, Colon served as an avenue for Cebuanos seeking a few moments of enjoyment. The theaters and cinemas flourishing in Colon constitute another image of Colon reminisced fondly by many Cebuanos. As one Cebuano journalist aptly put it, “The theaters were the lifeblood of Cebu City in the past. Because entertainment alone before was only in theaters. Wa gyu’y lain.”

Bustling Business District

The changing nature of Colon after World War II was also marked by a significant growth in business establishments in the street. In fact, from 1950 to 1985, more than one hundred establishments were noted to have been found in the street. Ranging from restaurants and bakeries to shoe shops and pawnshops, Cebuanos went to Colon to do most of their shopping. Colon’s commercial role during this period rose to such a point that one journalist observed, “The greater postwar city shifted her business core to modern Calle Colon.”

One famous establishment found in Colon at thistime was the Elite (e-läyt) Bakery. Situated at the corner of Colon and Osmeña Boulevard, the bakery was popular for its tasty French bread and ube jam. Until well into the 1980s, the bakery continued to be managed by the Osmeñas.17

La Madrid Cafe was another establishment popular with the Cebuanos during the post-war years. Standing in between the Teatro Oriente and Majestic, it began as a small “nook” selling popcorn to moviegoers. Cebuano politicians and journalists of the post-war years also found their own haven in a restaurant known as Chocolate House. Situated in front of the Reynes’ home near the corner of Colon and Pelaez, these personalities were often seen chatting and debating the night away while digging into the restaurant’s specialties, tsokolate and waffles.

By the 1970s, department stores such as Gazini Plaza, Metro Gaisano, Gaisano South, Gaisano Main, Fairmart, Gaw, and Rositas began sprouting in Colon and marked a significant point in the Cebuano’s shopping lifestyle. For the first time, the convenience of being able to shop in a single building came within the grasps of Cebuanos and this made the department stores along Colon not only popular but successful as well.

The decades from the 1950s to the 1980s witnessed an increase in commercial activities in Colon. In fact, Cebuanos have often pinpointed Colon’s “glory” to this period. Bustling with commercial activity with shoppers moving to and fro, this image of Colon’s commercial dominance holds a unique place in the Cebuano’s memory. As one businessman described: ‘Tong una. Wa, it’s like a big mall. Oo, puno ug tawo. Rich and poor maglakaw sa Colon. Labang-labang. Like musulod didto sa Gaisano, after that, mubalhin na pud ngadto sa pikas. Mubalhin na pud another mall. Balhin na pud another store. Like Hong Kong. Then, kaon ko’g restaurant. Tan-aw ko’g sine. Everything was here. Naa gyud sa Colon.”

“Declining” Center of Commerce

By the late 1980s and early 1990s, Calle Colon once again went through a transformation. The previous decades of bustling commercial activities seemingly began to take its toll on the street as buildings began to take on a worn-out look and sidewalks slowly became dirtier. Vendors made their appearance more permanent during this time as they peddled their wares in various spots along the street. Petty crimes began to rise as several reports of theft began to proliferate. Traffic, which was previously never a problem in Colon, suddenly gave the city government much to worry about as they shuffled back and forth between policies on making traffic on the street one-way, two-way, or one-way once again.

On the commercial sphere, a noticeable change in the nature of businessmen and clients arose as well. Larger businesses moved to uptown areas as the process of “suburbanization” began to take place in the city, while smaller businessmen remained to open shop in Colon. Shoppers from the higher brackets of society also visited Colon less and less as larger malls outside the downtown district gained immense popularity. Colon, by this time, continued to enjoy patronage, but mostly from shoppers who were now searching for a “good buy for less money.”

This period has often been referred to as a point of “decline” in Colon’s history and it is this image I had of Colon as I was growing up. Others, though, have expressed disagreement to such a view and have instead described a “changing nature” in Colon. Proponents of this latter view have pointed out that commerce still continues to thrive in Colon, albeit on the aspect of selling raw goods or selling goods wholesale. In other words, Colon continues to be alive with activity, only of a different sort from those seen in the previous decades.

Nevertheless, the image of degradation and “decline” in Colon continues to be a strong one up to the present, and it is an image that current heritage workers in Colon wish to change. Groups such as the W.I.L. Hapsay Sugbo Foundation and the Cebu Downtown Revitalization Project both gaze back sentimentally on a “long, lost glory of Colon” and through heritage projects and commercial activities, have taken the first bold steps in fostering a deeper appreciation for the historic street. Much has still to be done, yet given Colon’s long history of resiliency, the future can only hold infinite possibilities of change.

Symbol of Cebuano Heritage

From a community of Chinese traders, a home for the Chinese mestizo gentry, a flourishing center of theaters and cinemas, a bustling business district, to a “declining” center of commerce, Calle Colon has undoubtedly transformed itself time and time again. The various images of the street distinguished not only from its long, drawn-out history but also from the numerous narratives told and retold, echo deeply of a heritage shared by generations of Cebuanos.

Aging yellowish and gray buildings may characterize our Colon of today, yet all around are signs of life steadily pulsating, reminiscent of age-old yet modern values, raw and beautiful at the same time, as Cebuanos continue to immerse themselves in the sights and sounds of altering states of urbanity.

(Published in Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, Vol. 37, March 2009 No.1, Cebu City: University of San Carlos Publications, Pages: 1-18)

REFERENCES

BOOKS

Briones, Concepcion G. Life in Old Parian. Cebu City: University of San Carlos, 1983.

Calle Colon of Cebu: A Guide to the Oldest Street in the Philippines. Cebu City: Cebuano Studies Center, University of San Carlos, 2000.

Chirino, Pedro. Relacion de las Islas Filipinas. Isinalin ni Ramon Echevarria. Manila: Historical

Conservation Society, c. 1969.

Fenner, Bruce L. Cebu Under the Spanish Flag, 1521-1896: An Economic and Social History. Cebu City: University of San Carlos Publications, 1985.

Hutterer, Karl L. An Archeological Picture of a Pre-Spanish Community. Cebu City: University of San Carlos, 1973.

Le Gentil, M. Voyage dans les mers de l’Inde mula sa The Philippine Islands 1493-1898, ed. Emma Helen Blair at James A. Robertson. Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903-1909. Vol. 28.

Mir, Pedro Rivera. Guide Directory of the Cebu Province Philippine Islands. Calle Magallanes: Falek’s Printing House, 1914.

Mojares, Resil B. Casa Gorordo in Cebu: Urban Residence in a Philippine Province. Cebu: Ramon Aboitiz Foundation, Inc., 1983.

Nishimura, Masao. “Long-distance Trade and Development of Complex Societies in the Prehistory of the Central Philippines: the Cebu Central Settlement Case.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1992. 3 Volumes.

Pigafetta, Antonio. First Voyage Around the World. Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1969.

Ramas, Wilhelmina Q. Sugbuanon Theatre From Sotto to Rodriguez and Kabahar: An Introducation to Pre- War Sugbuanon Drama. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1982.

San Antonio, Juan Francisco. The Religious estate in the Philippines mula sa The Philippine Islands 1493- 1898, ed. Emma Helen Blair at James A. Robertson. Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903-1909. Vol. 28.

Savellon, Romola O. Colon Street. Cebu Normal University Museum, no date.

Sy, Dionisio A. A Short History of Cebu 1500s-1890s and the Anti-Spanish Revolution in Cebu. Cebu City: Bathalad, Inc., 1996.

ARTICLES

Bagares, Gavin S. “Colon: Cebu’s link to Chinese past.” The Philippine Daily Inquirer. 10 March 2007.

“Citom to study Colon Closure.” The Sun-star Daily News. 22 October 2006.

“Colon CITOM Wants to Extend 2-way Traffic Until October 1.” The Sun-star Daily News. 27

August 2003.

“Colon Experiment Extended anew to August 31.” The Sun-star Daily News. 24 July 2003.

“Colon Rerouting Extended Again.” The Sun-star Daily News. 18 March 2004.

“Colon traders, CCCI launch downtown area night market.” The Sun-star Daily News. 16 June 2003.

Costanilla, Sasm. “After ‘Tabo” comes ‘Pasko sa Colon.’” The Sun-star Daily News. 2 October 2002.

Doeppers, Daniel F. “The Development of Philippine Cities Before 1900.” The Journal of Asian

Studies. Volume XXXI, Number 4 (1972): 769-792.

“El Estero de Parian.” Nueva Fuerza. 16 March 1916. Page 2.

Estabaya, Domingo M. “Cebu City in Grandpa’s Time.” The Freeman. 10 March 1966. Pages 8-9, 15, 22.

________. “The Streets of Cebu City.” Vistas. 25 December 1981. Pages 27-28.

________. “Calle Magallanes.” Vistas. 1-7 October 1982.

Gilsing, Kristy. “’Shopping segregation’ in Cebu City: Truth or Fairy Tale?” (Unpublished Paper) Cebu City: University of San Carlos, c. 2006.

Kintanar-Alburo, Erlinda. “History Via the Newspaper: Pre-War Cebuano Social Life.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 13 (1985): 240-45.

Lao, Garry B. “City Relives Colon’s Past With Markers.” The Freeman. 24 October 2004.

Nishimura, Masao. “Long Distance Trade and the Development of Complex Societies in the

Prehistory of the Central Philippines – The Cebu Archeological Project: Basic Concept and First

Results.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 16 (1988) 107-157.

Sajor, Edsel E. “The Real Estate Boom in the 1990s and Land Use Allocation for Socialized

Housing in Metro Cebu, Philippines.” UMP-Asia Occasional Paper 52 (September 2001): 1-33.

Villalon, Augusto F. “Calle Colon in Cebu, the Philippines’ oldest street.” The Philippine Daily

Inquirer. 19 Hunyo 2000.

INTERVIEWS

Bagares, Gavin S. Interview by author, 13 February 2007, Cebu City.

Bernardo, Marilou. Interview by author, 25 October 2007. Cebu City.

Borres, Eulogio E. Interview by author, 27 April 2007, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Chu, George. Interview by author, 25 April 2007, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Gantuangco, Natividad. Interview by author, 30 December 2005, Cebu City.

Javier, Adelaida. Interview by author, 16 February 2007, 17 Abril 2007, Lungod Cebu. Tape

recording.

Larrañaga, Margot. Interview by author, 27 October 2007. Cebu City.

Mathieu, Margie. Interview by author, 23 April 2007, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Pañares, Tonette. Interview by author, 16 February 2007, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Perez, Patricia B. Interview by author, 29 December 2005, Cebu City.

Rama, Michael L. Interview by author, 25 October 2007, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Savellon, Romola. Interview by author, 23 April 2007, Cebu City.

Segura, Manuel S. Interview by author, 17 March 2006, Cebu City.

Sotto-Yuvienco, Suga. Interview by author, 30 December 2005, Cebu City. Tape recording.

Surban, Nita. Interview by author, 15 February 2007, Cebu City.

Tomalabcad, Henry P. Interview by author, 24 April 2007, Cebu City.

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