Historian finds Philippine ancient civilization in the sky
Balatik: Etnoastronomiya
Kalangitan sa Kabihasnang Pilipino
Book by Dante L. Ambrosio, 2010
The University of the Philippines Press
279 pages
What has yet to be written on the pages of Philippine history can now be found in Dante Ambrosio’s book Balatik, his doctoral dissertation about ethnoastronomy, fluently written in Tagalog and dedicated to unraveling and retracing back the stars’ and constellations’ pre-colonial names. As he pursued the search, he discovered that the Philipines’ ancient civilization can be read in the sky.
Kinuha ni Ambrosio ang pamagat ng kanyang aklat mula sa sa salitang balatik, patibong na panghuli sa mga baboy-damo, na siyang itinawag din ng mga sinaunang Pilipino sa mga grupo ng bituing may hugis balatik sa langit. Salitang ipinakilala ng may akda ng aklat ang ethnoastronomiya, “pag-aaral ng pananaw, paniniwala, kaalaman at gawi ng iba’t ibang pangkat ng mga tao ukol sa astronomiyang nakapaloob sa kanilang kabihasnan.”
Tuon ng aklat ang ugnayan ng likas na kapaligiran ng tao at ng kanyang kabihasnan. Natuklasan ni Ambrosio na may sarili palang katawagan ang mga sinaunang Pilipino sa mga bituin labas sa nakamulatang Kristiyanong katawagan tulad ng Tatlong Maria, Supot ni Hudas o Krus na Bituin. Tinatawag nila ang mga konstelasyon o talampad batay sa mga kagamitan ng mga sinaunang tao sa pagkakaingin, pangangaso, pandaragat at pangingisda. Ipinapaliwanag niya sa aklat kung paanong naging saligan ng kamalayan ng mga Pilipino ang kalangitan sa pang-araw-araw na buhay.
Naninindigan ang may akdang nanatiling buhay ang kamalayang Pilipino, katutubong pananaw at paniniwala hinggil sa kalangitan kahit na pumasok ang mga impluwensya ng Kristiyanismo-Espanyol at Islam-Arabo sa bansa. Sinaliksik ni Ambrosio ang wikang Austronesyano at nakita niya ang pagkakahawig ng mga tawag ng mga katutubong Pilipino sa buwan, araw, mga bituin at iba pang nakikita sa kalangitan at nararamdaman sa kapaligiran katulad ng hangin.
Malawak niyang tinalakay sa kanyang aklat ang mga mito, epiko, at kuwentong-bayan patungkol sa sandaigdigan mula Luzon, Bisayas hanggang Mindanaw. Ayon sa kanya, tahanan ang daigdig ng mga sinauna at kasalukuyang Pilipino, kasama ang mga diwata, anito at ispiritu. May kanya-kanyang lugar ang mga ito at iginagalang ng mga tao ang iba pang buhay na nananahan sa daigdig, kasama ang mga bagay na may kaugnayan sa mga di nakikitang nilalang sa daigdig.
Sanggunian ng mga sinaunang Pilipino ang kalangitan – pangunahin ang buwan at mga bituin – sa pagtatakda ng pagtatanim, pangingisda, pagkakaingin at mga ritwal ng kasal o pagtatayo ng bahay. Pagpasok ng Kristiyanismo, ipinasok ng mga Espanyol na sanggunian ang kalendaryong Gregorian, ayon pa sa kanya. Mas sumikat ang araw at kalaunan, naging simbolo itong naipinta sa mga bandila ng Katipunan, mga rebolusyonaryo at milyenaryang kilusan. Gayunpaman, nanatili ang imahe ng mga bituin sa bandilang Pilipino.
Sa paglulunsad ng Rebolusyong Pilipino, ipinasok ni Artemio Ricarte ang “Pilipinisasyon ng langit” kung saan pinangalanan niyang muli ang mga bituin sa pangalan ng mga bayani katulad ng Gat Tamblot (Cassiopeia), Utak Hasiato (Palaris), Gat Maypag-asa (Big Dipper), Pingkian (Small Dipper), Gat Rizal (Vega) at maraming iba pa. Tinawag niya ring “bitumpok” (bituin at tumpok) ang konstelasyon, “puyanggulo” ang zenith at “guhitdagat” ang horizon.
Inaasahan ng awtor na simula ng pag-uugnay ng pangkalahatang kaalaman at kaalamang bayan hinggil sa kalangitan ang kanyang isinagawang pananaliksik at pag-aaral. Nagtagumpay si Ambrosio: nagawa niyang maipakita ang lawak at lalim ng kaalamang astronomiko ng mga grupong etniko sa Pilipinas. Nagawa niya ring maugat ang mga kaalamang bayang ito mula sa kabihasnang pre-Hispaniko at maiugnay sa mga pagbabagong nagaganap sa kasaysayan.
Quezon City Unveils Tandang Sora Marker
By Gloria Esguerra Melencio
(Women in the male-centered Philippine history books have been absent for a long time. Thanks to the “herstorians” (her story writers) who penned the Women In the Philippine Revolution , a book where one can find the life of Melchora Aquino whose 200th birth commemoration falls on 6 January 2012.)
Mabibigyang buhay ang nakasulat sa dyip na Tsora, pinaigsing katawagan sa Tandang Sora, isang lugar sa Quezon City na ipinangalan kay Melchora Aquino. O ang mga paaralan o bulwagang ipingalan sa kanya. Lalo na ngayong ililipat ng pamahalaang Quezon City ang kanyang mga labing nakalibing sa Himlayang Pilipino tungo sa Banlat, Tandang Sora sa Quezon City, lugar kung saan siya ipinanganak at nabuhay nang matagal.
Isasakay sa karwahe ang kanyang mga labi. Imamartsa ito mula Himlayan tungong Banlat habang nakabalot ng bandila ng Pilipinas ang kanyang kabaong. Magsisilbi itong marker sa bantayog na paglalagakan sa kanya – isang anyo ng pagdakila sa matandang babaeng ipinatapon sa Guam kasama ang iba pang kasapi ng Katipunan noong 2 Setyembre 1896.
Si Tandang Sora ang pinakamatandang kasapi ng Katipunan sa edad na 84. Marunong siyang manggamot ng sugat ng kanyang mahihirap na kapitbahay; pati na ng panlalabo ng mga paningin at pag-alis ng puwing.
Magsasaka ang mga magulang ni Tandang Sora na sina Juan Aquino at Valentina de Aquino ng Gulod sa Banilat (Banlat), Caloocan (bahagi na ng Quezon City sa kasalukuyan). Matapos ang pagiging Reyna sa Santacruzan at pagiging mang-aawit sa mga piging, napangasawa niya si Fulgencio Ramos, cabeza de barangay at tinatawag na “Pantalakong” o “Ingkong.” Tinatawag naman si Tandang Sorang “Nanang” ng kanyang mga apo at “Kabesang Sora” ng kanilang mga kapitbahay.
Mayroon silang anim na anak, tatlong lalaki at tatlong babae. Nang mabiyuda siya, sinuportahan niya ang kanilang anim na anak sa pamamagitan ng pagsasaka sa 25-ektaryang lupaing naiwan ng kanyang asawa. May 15 katao siyang katuwang sa pag-aasukarera, pag-aalaga ng mga punongkahoy at mga kalabaw.
Sa harap ng tahanan ng kanyang panganay na anak na si Juan Ramos sa Pugad-Lawin, Bahay-Toro (sakop noon ng Kalookan) naganap ang pagpunit ng sedula ng 1,000 kataong tumututol sa pananakop ng mga Espanyol. Naganap ito noong madaling araw ng 23 Agosto 1896 na hindi umuulan at kabilugan ng buwan.
Kinabukasan, 24 Agosto 1896, ginanap ang pulong ng mga pangulo ng Katipunan sa bahay ni Tandang Sora sa Banlat. Dati nang isinasagawa rito ang mga lihim na pulong ng Katipunan. Naganap ang pulong mula ikasiyam ng gabi hanggang madaling araw. Nang biglang dumating ang mga guardia civil dahil itinuro ang bahay ni Tandang Sora ng isang espiya, nagpulasan ang mga Katipunero sa iba’t ibang direksyon.
Sa payo ni Andres Bonifacio, tumakas rin si Tandang Sora kasama ang kanyang pamilya patungo sa Novaliches. Sinunog ng mga Espanyol ang kanyang bahay matapos matagpuang walang tao ito.
Nahuli ng mga guardia civil si Tandang Sora sa Pasong Putik sa Novaliches noong 29 Agosto 1896. Ikinulong siya sa Old Bilibid Prison sa Manila matapos ito.
Ipinatapon sa Guam si Tandang Sora kasama ang 171 Pilipinong deportado. Kasama si Segunda Puentes Santiago ng Sta. Mesa na nahuli sa labanan sa Pinaglabanan sa San Juan del Monte noong 30 Agosto 1896, inakusahan si Tandang Sora ng sedisyon at rebelyon.
Sakay ang barkong Espanyol na Churruca, 57 bilanggong Pilipino ang dinala sa Yap Island; 57 sa Ponape; at 57 rin sa Guam. Ibinilanggo ang mga lalaking detenido sa Marianas Islands samantalang inilagak naman sina Tandang Sora at Segunda sa bahay ni Don Justo Dungca sa Agana. Isang mayamang Pilipinong taga-Pampanga si Dungca na matagal nang naninirahan sa Guam.
Matapos ang pitong taong pagkakabilanggo, ibinalik sa Pilipinas si Tandang Sora sakay ng US Uranus sa edad na 91. Walang nakakaalam ng kanyang pag-uwi mula Guam kaya mag-isa siyang bumalik sa kanilang tahanan sa Banlat, ayon sa kanyang mga apo.
Tahimik na pumanaw si Tandang Sora sa tahanan ng kanyang anak na si Saturnina sa edad na 107. Inilibing siya sa Musoleo ng mga Beterano ng Rebolusyong Pilipino sa La Loma, North Cemetery bago inilipat sa Himlayang Pilipino sa Quezon City, isang pook na abot-tanaw mula sa kanyang sinilangang tahanan sa Gulod sa Banlat.
Source: Rafaelita Hilario Soriano (Editor), Isagani R. Medina, Melchora Aquino in Women in the Philippine Revolution, Printon Press, SFDM, Quezon City, 1995.
Photo Credit: Reprinted from the same book, page 14.
Caption: Kuha ang larawan nang papasakay na si Melchora Aquino sa barkong Churruca upang ipatapon ng Espanya sa Guam.
More aid for Tropical Sendong victims arrive
The Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) said today it has received US$12,613,473.87 worth of foreign donations for the victims of tropical storm Sendong (Washi) that hit parts of Visayas and Mindanao last December 16.
According to the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council, number of fatalities rose to 1,257, while the estimated damage to property went up to P1.382 billion.
The donated amount includes those received from Filipino communities, Philippine Embassies and Consulates General around the world and private individuals. It also does not include donations without equivalent monetary value.
The total donations consist of US$4,780,656.15 in cash, US$2,122,255.14 in kind and US$5,710,563 worth of pledges.
Top donors include the United States (US$100,000 in cash and US$5.4 million in pledges), Australia (US$1,015,246.92 in cash and US$304,600.82 in kind), China (US$1.01 million in cash), Czech Republic (US$894,000 in cash), Republic of Korea (US$500,000 in kind and US$110,000 in pledges), Indonesia (US$310,000 in cash and US$200,000 in kind) and New Zealand (US$500,000 in cash).
Other foreign donors include Japan (US$320,163.09 in kind), Spain (US$261,470.66 in cash), Ireland (US$130,807.66 in kind), Malaysia (US$100,000 in cash), Singapore (US$38,714.37 in cash and US21,533.57 in kind), Chile (US$25,000 in cash), Thailand (US$100,000 in cash), Denmark (US 52,783.82 in cash), Belgium (US$130,562.58 worth of pledges), Italy (US$645,150 in kind), Switzerland (US$320,714.98 in cash) and Oman (US$2,909.65 in cash).
Filipino communities around the world have also sent in their assistance. The Filipino community in the U.S. Northeast has sent in US$11,170 in cash coursed through the Philippine Consulate General in New York, while other members of the Filipino in the U.S. collected US$8,287.80 in cash. The Filipino community in Guam donated US$3,956 in cash, while the Laguna Association of Guam gave US$500 in cash.
Other donations from the Filipino community include US$1,000 in cash from the Filipino community in Malaysia, US$3,921.45 in cash from the Filipino community in France, US$1,094.25 in cash from the Filipino community in Myanmar, US$2,275.30 in cash from the Filipino community in Xiamen and US$195.95 in cash from the Philippine Consulate General in Barcelona.
Private individuals and businesses have also donated to the cause. Russian businessmen gave US$20,000 in pledges, and the Dalai Lama Trust also provided US$50,000 in pledges. The Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Guam provided US$14,420 in cash, and the Philippine Consulate General in Guam collected money from various individuals, which totaled US$2,895.
International organizations have also stepped in to help. Last December 22, the United Nations launched a consolidated flash appeal for humanitarian assistance with the humanitarian community and the Philippine Government for Sendong victims amounting to US$28,576,819. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has an initial appeal of US$50,000, and that their Philippine office has a team who conducted needs assessment in Mindanao and is providing relief support. Currently, a four-member delegation from the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) is now in the Sendong-stricken areas to assess the devastation wreaked by the storm, and also to look into how member-states could extend assistance to the affected communities.
Disyembre 30, 1896
“Ang panahon ng patriarkiya sa Pilipina ay lumilipas na. Ang mga bantog na tagumpay ng kaniyang mga anak ay di lamang sa sariling bayan tinatamasa. Ang lahing kayumanggi, dati’y matamlay sa dilim ng kasaysayan, ngayo’y gumigising na upang kamtan ang ilaw, buhay, at kalinangang ipinamana sa atin ng matandang panahon— pinapatotoo ang walang hangganang batas ng ebolusyon, pagbabagong diwa, kapanahunan, at pagsulong. “- Dr Jose Rizal, talumpati sa brindis para kay Luna at Hidalgo, 1884 Madrid. (Salin ni Imelda Cajipe Endaya)
Ayaw ni Bonifacio
Ni Hernan S. Melencio
BERTDEY ngayon ni Ka Andy Bonifacio, ang bayaning pinagtaksilan ng kapalaran at ng mga dating kakampi sa himagsikan laban sa mga Kastila.
Ang kataksilan ding ito umano ang dahilan kung bakit araw ng kapanganakan (Nobyembre 30, 1863) ang ginugunita natin bilang Bonifacio Day at hindi araw ng kamatayan (Mayo 10, 1897), di tulad ng Rizal Day na araw ng kamatayan ni Ka Joey Rizal (Disyembre 30, 1896) nung barilin siya sa Luneta.
Gusto kasing iwasan ng mga gumawa ng batas na alalahanin ng taumbayan na kapwa Pinoy at mga kasangga ang tumumba sa “Ama ng Himagsikan” tuwing darating ang araw ng paggunita sa kabayanihan niya. Bagay na may pagka-estupido dahil kapanganakan o hindi, laging kasama sa paggunita kung bakit at paano namatay si Bonifacio.
Alam ng lahat na si Ka Emil Aguinaldo ang nagpapatay sa kanya. (Kahit itinanggi ito ni Ka Emil na nagsabing gusto lang niyang ipatapon ang kalaban niya sa pulitika at si Hen. Nano Noriel ang nag-utos ng pagpatay, hindi pa rin maitatatwang tuta niya si Noriel at ito ang arkitekto ng pandaraya sa eleksyon sa Tejeros, Cavite kung saan si Ka Emil ang nahalal na pangulo ng Katipunan.)
Kumpara sa iba pa nating mga bayani, si Ka Andy na yata ang pinakakawawa. Hindi siya iginagalang ng mga burgis na may kontrol ng pamahalaan. May pagkakataong ginawang National Heroes Day ang Bonifacio Day at kamakailan lamang ito naging Bonifacio Day ulit matapos ang maraming reklamo. Aping-api rin siya kahit sa paglalagay ng imahe ng bayani sa pera. Noong may dalawang piso pang sensilyo noong 1980s, solo ang imahe ni Ka Andy, kaso tinanggal nila sa sirkulasyon ang dalawang piso at bilang konswelo de bobo, isinama ang imahe niya sa imahe ni Apol Mabini sa sampung piso. Maging ang kalsadang ipinangalan sa kanya e Boni Avenue na lamang ngayon.
Lagi siyang ikinukumpara kay Ka Joey, at kahit sa pagtuturo ng kasaysayan madalas iniiwasan ang maraming detalye ng kanyang buhay, lalo sa yung parte ng masalimuot na pulitika sa loob ng Katipunan.
Lagi ring minamaliit ang kakayahan niya at sinasabing isa siyang “bodegero” sa Tondo. Pero kung ihahambing mo sa trabaho ngayon, manager siya ng isang kumpanyang pag-aari ng isang Ingles. Hindi pipitsuging trabaho ito. Sa madaling salita, kabilang siya sa middle class.
Hindi rin matatawaran ang ginawa niya matapos dumalo sa kaisa-isang pulong ng La Liga Filipina na itinayo ni Ka Joey. Binuo niya agad ang Katipunan at nagtatag ng gobyernong rebolusyunaryo kasama ng sidekick niyang si Ka Emil Jacinto. Siya rin ang nagpasumpa kay Aguinaldo sa mismong bahay niya sa Tondo.
Kanya ang Tondo, kay Aguinaldo ang Cavite. Kaso, dahil sa Maynila nakasentro ang pwersa ng mga Kastila, mas mabilis na lumakas at dumami ang kasapian ng Katipunan sa Cavite. At ’ika nga sa Ingles, the rest is history. Nagkamali si Ka Andy na pumayag ganapin sa Cavite ang isang eleksyong niluto ng mga Magdalo. Matinding panlalait ang inabot niya at nang magreklamo e ipinahuli siya, nilitis ng isang kangaroo court at pinatay kasama ng mga kapatid.
Isang trahedya na hanggang ngayon ay hindi pa nagkakaroon ng kaganapan o “closure.”
Bankaw ha Samar Archaeological and Cultural Museum: Istorya Binisaya
Ni Gloria Esguerra Melencio
(Ginhubad tikang ha Iningles ni J. Colima Bajado)
Dida han libro ni Ignacio Francisco Alcina, usa nga padi-Franciscano, nga may ulohan nga Historia de las islas e indios de Bisayas (Kaagi han mga Tuminungnong ha mga Isla han Bisayas) nga sinurat niyan han tuig 1662, iya iginpahamtang nga an nasod Pilipinas in “samad an hiyograpiya, topograpiya, ngan klima”. Kausa niya ha pagtuo hi Francisco Colin, usa nga padi-Heswita, nga an mga tawo tikang ha Samar nga gintatawag hadto nga mga Pintados in nagtikang ha Makassar ha Sulawesi dara han kapareho nga pagsabot han mga pulong nga ‘saar’ ngan ‘samad’.
Dida han mga katuigan han ika-16 ngada han ika-17 nga siglo, bantugan nga mag-isog ngan banggiitan an mga Bisaya ha pakig asdang kontra han mga pirata nga namimihag ha Samar ngan Leyte, diin an mga bihag in iginbabaligya komo mga uripon didto ha Mindanao ug ha mga hagrani nga mga isla.
An bankaw, usa nga hinganiban han mga Bisaya, nga makikit-an ha Fr. Cantius Kobak- Samar Archeological and Cultural Museum ha siyudad han Calbayog, in usa nga ngula nga pagmatuod han mga paniguro han mga Samarnon para han ira kinabuhi- bis’ pa masamaran an tag-iya hini. An nasabi nga museum nga igintindog han tuig 1969 ngan kataliwan igin ngaran ha pagtahod kan Fr. Cantius Kobak, padi Franciscano tikang ha Poland, in nagdudumara hin mga butang han kasanhi nga maulit-ukit nga gintirok han nasabi nga padi-historyador tikang hin mgadirudila-in nga lugar sugad hin mga lungib, lubnganan, simbahan, tikang ha mga pribado nga katunaan, ug bisan pa tikang ha usa nga paragtubaan.
An nasabi nga bankaw nga may karaptan nga kahoy nga aada an kahalaba hin upat nga metros, ngan an tais in hinimo tikang hin puthaw in nagpapamatuod hank an Bankaw pagbaribad han mga conquistadores nga Espanyol. Subay han libro nira Blair ngan Robertson (The Philippine Islands), hi Bankaw in nakalikay tikang han mga kamot han mga Espanyol ngan nagtukod hiya han iya kalugaringon nga simbahan ha Carigara, Leyte. An iya pinakamadig-on nga kuta ha bukid in binombahan hin canyon, gin sunog an iya simbahan ngan pinanmatay an mga nasunod ha iya tuluohan, ngan manta, hiya in pinatay gamit in bankaw. Human, an pinugutan hiya ngan an iya pugot nga ulo in igin parada basi tarhugon an mga Bisaya hin pagdumara hin ‘insureccion’ ngan ‘rebelion’.
Kundi, diri nag uusa-an hi Bankaw.Ada hi Sumuroy han Samar ngan hi Dagohoy ha Bohol. Ngani, dida han temprano nga katuigan han ika-16 nga siglo, hi Waray Tupong in naglibot han Kabisayaan basi itabog an mga pirata nga Muslim upod na an mga manarakop nga Espanyol.
Piho manggud nga natingala hi Fr. Kobak han pagtagad han mga Samareños ngada han ira mga kaurupdan nga nagkamatay na diin nakit-an niya in mga bungo ngan tul-an dida hin dagko nga tibod. Lugaring an iba nga mga lubnganan in pinan ngaliskay na.
An espirito han Kasadangan ngan an ‘tabo’ nga tinatawag han mga social scientists nga barter trade in pagmatuod nga an mga Bisaya in mga tawo nga maabilidad ngan magduruto. An gilingan in gamit han mga Bisaya paghimo hin puto, suman, ngan iba pa nga mga karan-on.
An mga dragonjar ngan Chinese porcelain nga nabalik ngada pa han mga tuig han ika-5 ka siglo BC in nagpapadig-on han buhi nga taboan nga sistema han mga Bisaya ngan mga Insik. Ha kadugangan, an mga apelyido nga inensik ha Samar in bangin tikang han mga Insik nga negosyante han abaka dida han Espanyol ngan Amerikano nga pamunoan.
An mga gintataoy na nga ma agung, mga instrumento hin pagtukar ngan mga paintings dida ha sulod han museum in naglalaygay han Samarnon nga kaagi ngan talento. An Christ the King College Youth Symphony Orchestra in naghahatag laylay yana ha magdirudilain nga mga lugar ha aton nasod. An nasabi nga museum in nagpasundayag gihap hin mga obra hin mga pintor ha Samar.
Hi Carl S. Bordeos han Christ the King College, diin an museum makikit-an, in naghatag hin kopya ha http://philippinehistory.ph han iba pa nga mga butang nga makikit-an ha museum labot la han bankaw. An Professional American Archaeologists in naglista na ngan nag asoy ngan ginbutangan hin petsa ini nga mga bahandi han aton kasanhi.
Samtang, gawas han museum, usa han mga dalan han Calbayog in gin-ngangaranan nga Nijaga. Ini nga dalan in igin ngaran ha pagtahod kan Benedicto Nijaga nga kilala gihap ha ngaran nga Biktoy, usa nga sakristan ha Calbayog nga nagin 2nd Lt. han Spanish Army nga ha kataliwan nagsuporta ha Katipunan. Tungod hini, hiya in ginpatay ngan kinilala komo usa han Trece Martires ha Bagumbayan.
An Samar in may mga anak nga bangin waray pa makakita kon matiunan-o in usa nga bankaw, o manta di nakilala kan Bankaw. Lugaring, an Binisaya nga pagbaribad ngan paningkamot in nahapatik na han kabug-usan nga istorya han aton nasod.
Shouting in Bronze
The Lasting Relevance of Andres Bonifacio and His Monument in Caloocan
By Michael Charleston Chua
Amidst the concrete jungle in the middle of the city of Caloocan, amongst the smog of pollution, stands the dignified figure of Andres Bonifacio—national hero, Founder of the Katipunan, Father of the Filipino Nation, the great plebeian who spearheaded the Filipino revolution against the Spaniards. The Bonifacio Monument is mute, but Bonifacio’s eyes made of bronze were shouting, reminding us for a moment to stop from the gray and frenzied hurly-burly of city life, and reflect on the greatness of the “Supremo.”
Andres Bonifacio (b. 30 November 1863, d. 10 May 1897), was a self-taught orphan who became a theater actor and an employee of two international companies in Manila. His social consciousness and deep understanding of his culture led to his involvement in Dr. José Rizal’s La Liga Filipina, and in founding the Kataastaasang Kagalanggalangang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan (The Highest, Most Venerable Association of the Sons of the People), or the Katipunan, in 1892. The movement’s membership increased when he assumed the leadership as the “Supremo” and in August 1896, started the revolution which will eventually bring down the three centuries of Spanish domination in the Philippines. In 1897, when politics prevailed among the Katipuneros in Cavite, Bonifacio was replaced by Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo as leader of the revolution, in a series of events which led to the Supremo’s execution by men from the organization he himself founded.
Work on the monument started when Doña Aurora Aragon-Quezon placed a cornerstone on the site on the birth anniversary of Bonifacio, 30 November 1929. A competition was launched and sculptors submitted proposals for the design of the monument using aliases. The design chosen was that of Guillermo Tolentino, a graduate of classical sculpture in Rome. The monument, which was inaugurated on 30 November 1933, is regarded as one of the world’s finest monuments.
At the top of the 45 feet high obelisk is a figure very similar to the classical sculpture “Winged Victory.” The octagonal base represents the first eight provinces that revolted against Spain in 1896. Around the obelisk, 23 figures in darkened bronze depict the events that led to the Philippine Revolution: The execution of the three martyr priests Gomez, Burgos at Zamora, and the injustices committed by the Spanish colonizers against the Filipinos.
The dominating figure of course is that of Andres Bonifacio, calm and dignified amidst the turbulent events around him, with bolo on one hand and a revolver in the other. Behind him is the figure of Emilio Jacinto, brains of the Katipunan, and a standard bearer. Surrounding the triad are two bolo-wielding Katipuneros symbolizing the spirit of the first cry of the revolution in Balintawak—the call to arms and the people’s response to this call.
The monument was constructed during the time when the issue of Philippine Independence from the Americans was being deliberated upon, and when many of those who participated in the revolution led by Bonifacio were still around—nationalistic feeling around the country was very much intense, and not a few got emotional seeing the monument. Some say, that although Tolentino sculpted all the other figures in the realistic style (where the pain and suffering of the Filipinos were greatly manifested), the figure of Bonifacio in Barong Tagalog was the only figure done in the classical style (imitating the Graeco-Roman figures that show no emotions). It was said that this is what the Americans wanted because a defiant Bonifacio might inspire another rebellion.
But according to Tolentino’s student, Napoleon Abueva, the suffering figures and the dignified Bonifacio shows that whatever happens, they will prevail:
“…the hooded head with the ever-tightening garrote about to nip a life, the hapless mothers and forsaken children in Tolentino’s monumental masterpiece, allow us to relive the sufferings and dire consequences of the times… The tragic related events and corresponding feeling of desolation, of hopelessness that Tolentino’s figures evoke, contrasted by the stance of soaring confidence and hope in Bonifacio’s expressive gesture, together with the defiant bolo-wielding compatriots, provide a reassuring promise of eventual success at all costs—reminding us of an old saw which goes this way: Great was the sacrifice and great was their reward.”
For Abueva, a look at the monument will give a feeling of pride in the resilient Filipino spirit, “…the legacy of a promising tomorrow gleaned from a cruel and troubled past, the accounts and instances of utterly depressed feeling, buoyed up and transformed to lofty feelings of inherent pride and enrichment of the Filipino soul…”
The monument is a testament to the superiority of Tolentino as a visual historian. In preparation for the construction of the monument, he interviewed people and went to the extent of using the bone structure of the Supremo’s sister, Espiridiona Bonifacio, in making the head of the Supremo. Despite the research, the monument was not spared from controversies. It depicted Bonifacio far from the stereotype of him at that time as a man dressed in camisa de chino with a bolo at one hand and the Katipunan flag on the other, yelling like wild. Ambeth Ocampo writes:
When the protests came in, Tolentino countered his critics with his research. The likeness was based not only on a photograph of Bonifacio, but on the bone structure of his sister Espiridiona as well. Interviews of surviving Katipuneros gave an idea of his attire and revealed that, contrary to popular belief, Bonifacio favored in battle his gun over his bolo. One account says that on their way to Caloocan in 1896, many Katipuneros traveled disguised as women to get past the Spanish police and military. To make his baro’t saya more convincing, Bonifacio had to leave his bolo behind and take his gun instead. Tolentino left no stone unturned in his research, and he was prepared to show documentation for such minute details as the position of the holster on Bonifacio’s belt. Over and above all this, Tolentino even consulted espiritistas to discern the true likeness and character of Bonifacio.
In 1973, the title National Artist for Sculpture was conferred on Tolentino in 1973.
The site of the monument in Caloocan was aptly named “monumento” by the people themselves, and for a long long time it was the landmark for traveller’s from the north that they’re entering Manila through the MacArthur Highway. That’s why the sight of the monument gives a feeling of journey’s end, until the North Luzon Expressway and Abueva’s The Transfiguration replaced monumento as Manila’s gateway from the north.
Today, because it has become part of the daily lives of the people of Caloocan, it seems that the monument is being neglected and only a few people notice the beauty and ponder on the significance of the monument. But recently, the monument caught attention once again in 2002, when its transfer to faraway Tala in the same city was proposed by Mayor Rey Malonso to give way for the Light Rail Transit Extension. This move was prevented by a resolution by the National Historical Institute, signed by its chairman Ambeth Ocampo, which reminds everyone that the Bonifacio Monument is a national shrine and that transferring it would be against the law.
The lasting relevance of the monument is a reflection of the continuing importance to the people of the life and heroism of Manong Andres himself. Militant groups, in many protests, rally around another statue of his in Manila. In 1997, a book by the American historian Glenn Anthony May who brought out questions on what we know about the Supremo, sparked a debate among scholars on the Philippines. With the centennial of the Philippine Revolution and the Proclamation of Philippine Independence in the 1990’s, recent scholarship clarified misconceptions. Before, the impression was that the educated Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo was superior in terms of leadership and military skills than the impulsive Bonifacio. But the Supremo was found out to be an excellent organizer with a movement whose members spread out across the archipelago (Ferdinand C. Llanes (ed), Katipunan: Isang Pambansang Kilusan, 1994); a military tactician informed of pre-colonial war strategies of the Filipinos which used the natural environment to their advantage (Zeus A. Salazar, Ang ‘Real’ ni Bonifacio Bilang Teknikang Militar sa Kasaysayan ng Pilipinas, 1997; Zeus A. Salazar, Agosto 29-30, 1896: Ang Pagsalakay ni Bonifacio sa Maynila, 1995); the first president of the revolutionary government (and of the country) who had a clear idea of the Filipino nation in Katagalugan, which he defined as all people who were born in the whole archipelago and not just the Tagalogs (Milagros C. Guerrero, et. al., Andres Bonifacio and the 1896 Revolution, 1996); and the leader who urged his compatriots to have bait, puri at dangal (rooting itself to the values of our ancestors) just as they were brave (Milagros C. Guerrero, Pagtanaw sa Kasaysayan, Paghahanda sa Himagsikan: Mga Ideya ng Katipunan, 1892-1897, 1998). With these and many other new studies, Andres Bonifacio emerges as a leader who wanted not just mere political independence, but kaginhawahan—materially and morally free—just as our ancestors were before the colonizers came. They remain to be our aspirations for a better country, the same one that Bonifacio and our forebears before us fought for and symbolized by his monument.
Landmarks, such as the Bonifacio Monument, are reminders of our past that made us what we are today. Landmarks do not feed us physically for sure. But man doesn’t live by bread alone, for he has a soul that searches for identity and belonging. The monument is a proud reminder of the greatness of our bloodline we all belong to, and of the victorious revolution we waged in 1896-1898. To neglect these national treasures is like forgetting our own personal past and genesis—amnesia—and forgetting the heroes of 1896 is like forgetting the sacrifices of our own parents. If we would lose the landmarks of our past, how would we ever know where we are, and where we are going as a nation?
As we gaze upon the Supremo and the men and women around that obelisk, let us think about the sacrifices of those before us who did not sleep in the dark of night, those who sacrificed their lives for the freedom of their children—for us. They want us to carry on with what they had fought for, not by the bolo in a time of revolution, but simply by being productive and vigilant citizens, just like the Supremo more than a hundred years ago. As if we can hear him call on us from those bronze figures once again with his words from the Dekalogo ng Katipunan: “Ang pagsusumikap at pagpipilit na kumita ng ikabubuhay ay nagpapahayag ng tunay na pagmamahal sa sarili, sa asawa, anak, kapatid, at kababayan.” (Diligence in the work that gives sustenance to thee is the true basis of love — love for thine own self, for thine wife and children, for thine brothers and countrymen.) Personally, I see the monument as a reminder of how a working class hero made a difference, and how we can too.
22 March 2004 / 22 May 2007
University of the Philippines at Diliman
Consulted Works and Sources:
Acero, Francis. Thoughts on the Bonifacio Monument. Online, Internet. Available URL: http://www.tinig.com/v12/v12francis.html.
Agoncillo, Teodoro A. The Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan. Quezon City, U. of the Philippines P., 1956.
Bonifacio, Andres. “Decalogue” sa The Writings and Trial of Andres Bonifacio (translated by Teodoro A. Agoncillo and S. V. Epistola. Manila: Antonio J. Villegas; Manila Bonifacio Centennial Commission; University of the Philippines, 1963, p. 1.
Churchill, Bernardita Reyes. Determining The Truth: The Story of Andres Bonifacio (being critiques of and commentaries on Inventing a hero, the post-humous re-creation of Andres Bonifacio). Manila : Manila Studies Association, 1997.
Cristobal, Adrian E. The Tragedy of the Revolution. Quezon City: U. of the Philippines P., 2005.
De los Reyes, Isabelo. The Religion of the Katipunan or the Old Beliefs of the Filipinos (translated by Joseph Martin Yap). Quezon City: Teresita A. Alcantara, Ph.D., 2002.
Estrada, Eric and John Realubit. “Bonifacio Monument Stays Put” in Manila Times, 25 January 2003. Online, Internet. Available URL: http://www.manilatimes.net/national/2003/jan/25/metro/20030125met5.html.
FHL Research Team . The Bonifacio Monument: Hail to the Chief! Online, Internet. Available URL: http://www.librarylink.org.ph/featarticle.asp?articleid=50.
Guerrero, Milagros C. “Pagtanaw sa Kasaysayan, Paghahanda sa Himagsikan: Mga Ideya ng Katipunan, 1892-1897,” Kasarinlan: A Philippine Quarterly of Third World Studies, Vol. 14, Num. 1, 1998, pp. 37-52.
Guerrero, Milagros C., Emmanuel N. Encarnacion and Ramon N. Villegas. “Andres Bonifacio and the 1896 Revolution,” Sulyap Kultura, Second Quarter 1996, pp. 3-12.
Ileto, Reynaldo Clemeña. Pasyon and Revolution: Popular Movements in the Philippines, 1840-1910. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila U.P., 1979)
Llanes, Ferdinand C. (ed). Katipunan: Isang Pambansang Kilusan. Quezon City: Trinitas Publishing, Inc., 1994.
Maceda, Teresita Gimenez. “The Katipunan Discourse on Kaginhawaan: Vision and Configuration of a Just and Free Society,” Kasarinlan: A Philippine Quarterly of Third World Studies, Vol. 14, Num. 2, 1998, pp. 77-94.
May, Glenn Anthony. Inventing A Hero: The Posthumous Re-creation of Andres Bonifacio. Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1997.
Medina, Isagani R. Great Lives: Andres Bonifacio. Makati City: Tahanan Books for Young Readers, 1992.
__________. (ed). Ilang Talata Tungkol sa Paghihimagsik (Revolucion) Nang 1896-1897 Isinulat ni Carlos Ronquillo y Valdez (Hongkong 1898). Lungsod Quezon: U. of the Philippines P., 1996.
Navarro, Arthur M. and Raymund Arthur G. Abejo (eds). Wika, Panitikan, Sining at Himagsikan. Lungsod Quezon: LIKAS, 1998.
Ocampo, Ambeth R. Bones of Contention: The Bonifacio Lectures. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc., 2001.
__________. Bonifacio’s Bolo. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc., 1994.
Salazar, Zeus A. Agosto 29-30, 1896: Ang Pagsalakay ni Bonifacio sa Maynila (salin ni Monico M. Atienza). Quezon City: Miranda Bookstore, 1995.
__________.“Ang ‘Real’ ni Bonifacio Bilang Teknikang Militar sa Kasaysayan ng Pilipinas,” Bagong Kasaysayan: Mga Pag-aaral sa Kasaysayan ng Pilipinas Lathalain Blg. 1. Mandaluyong City: Palimbagang Kalawakan, 1997.
__________. “Si Andres Bonifacio at ang Kabayanihang Pilipino,” Bagong Kasaysayan: Mga Pag-aaral sa Kasaysayan ng Pilipinas Lathalain Blg. 2. Mandaluyong City: Palimbagang Kalawakan, 1997.
Sison, Marites. National Artist Guillermo Tolentino: Monumental Spirit. Online, Internet. Available URL:http://www.filipinasmag.com/Main/Sept2003Tolentino.htm.
Ventura, Sylvia Mendez. Supremo: The Story of Andres Bonifacio. Makati City: Tahanan Books for Young Readers, 2001.
Bankaw in Samar Archeological and Cultural Museum: A Bisayan Story
By Gloria Esguerra Melencio
Franciscan priest Ignacio Francisco Alcina describes Samar in his 1662 book History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands as “wounded geographically, topographically and climatically.” He was one with Jesuit priest Francisco Colin in saying that the people of Samar, who were called Pintados back in time, may have come from Makassar in Sulawesi, citing the words saar and samad as both to mean “wounded.”
Noted for being warriors and juramentados in the 16th up to early 17th century, these Bisayans defended their ground against slave raiders who alternately raided and stole humans in Samar and Leyte to be sold as marked slaves in Mindanao and other nearby islands.
The bankaw, Bisayan term for spear, found in the Father Cantius Kobak-Samar Archeological and Cultural Museum in Calbayog City, is a silent proof of Samar’s struggles to survive – whatever wounds may have caused its owner. The museum founded in 1969 and later dedicated to the memory of Father Cantius Kobak, Polish Franciscan priest, houses artifacts that the historian-priest painstakingly collected from caves, burial sites, churches, private lots and even from a tuba (local wine from coconut sap) vendor.
Made of hard black polished wood that measures approximately four feet long with a one-foot sharp pointed metal at the end, the undated bankaw is the living proof of Bankaw’s defiance of the Spanish conquistadores. Blair and Robertson said Bankaw escaped the ire of attacking Spaniards in Cebu and later built his own church in Carigara, Leyte. His stronghold in the mountain was attacked with canons, his church burned down, his followers killed, and he, too, was impaled with a bankaw. His head was cut off and paraded to warn the Bisayans against insureccion and rebelion in the future.
Bankaw had never been alone. Sumuroy of Ibabao (Samar) , at the time of Alcina’s recording, had been up in arms. Dagohoy in Bohol, too. Earlier in the 16th century, Waray Tupung (meaning never been equaled), had been going around the Bisayan islands trying to shoo away both the Muslim slave raiders and the Spanish minions.
Father Kobak must be amazed with how the Samareños respect their ancestors when he found human skulls, bones, shell bracelets in urns and large burial jars. Some burial sites had already been exhausted by previous digging expeditions though.
Self-sufficiency and the spirit of the Bisayan tabo, which social scientists call barter trade, attest to the Bisayan people’s ingenuity and industriousness. The stone grinder, locally called gilingan, speaks of how early Bisayans grounded rice and rootcrops to be made into puto, suman and other native delicacies. People from up the mountains and everywhere went to the tabo to exchange their goods for products that they did not have.
Presence of ancient dragon jar and Chinese porcelain plates dated around 5th century BC reveals a lively barter trade between the Bisayans and the Chinese. Also, Chinese surnames in Samar must have come from Chinese traders who were involved in the abaca trade during the Spanish and American periods.
The rusty, ancient agungs (bells), musical instruments and paintings in the museum speak a lot about the Samareños’ own artistic talents. Christ The King Orchestra, based in Calbayog City, a first class municipality in Samar, has been making waves in the field of music around the Philippines. An art exhibit of Samar’s painters had also been launched in the museum.
Carl Sanchez Bordeos of the Christ the King College where the museum resides furnished philippinehistory.ph a copy of some artifacts found in the museum aside from the bankaw. The Professional American Archeologists have already listed, described and dated said historical treasures.
Outside the museum, meanwhile, a street named Nijaga baffles everyone who lives outside Calbayog. It turns out that the street was named after Benedicto Nijaga, nicknamed Biktoy, a sacristan from Calbayog who became a second lieutenant in the Spanish Army and later solicited support for the underground Katipunan. He was executed and later identified as one of the Trece Martires in Bagumbayan.
Samar has sons and daughters who may or may have not seen a bankaw, nor may have known Bankaw for that matter. The Bisayan resilience and survival, however, are engraved in Philippine history.
(Photo: Rosa Mirasol Esguerra Melencio)
Producers of anti-diabetes yacon tea, juice, wine eye Japan market
Producers of anti-diabetes yacon juice, tea, and wine eye the Japan market for their phytochemical-rich foods that are now being pilot-tested for commercial scale production.
Nueva Vizcaya farming entrepreneurs and food science experts are now pilot-testing yacon production through the Nueva Vizcaya State University’s (NVSU) Technology Business Incubator (TBI).
They see the prospect of shipping these products out to Japan.
Japan already imports raw yacon from the Philippines as a succulent ready-to-eat product like raw singkamas–jicama or Mexican turnip– that Japanese eat as salad.
“We will have a good commercial potential for yacon products if we emphasize its health components because of phytochemicals. Many studies have already been conducted (proving this),” said Dr. Perlita C. Tiburcio, NVSU vice president and food science specialist.
NVSU is jumpstarting yacon’s commercial scale production through a bigger 100-kilo food processing. This is from an earlier limited 10-kilo scale.
“This volume will make commercial scale production more realistic than laboratory stage. It will be evaluated for ROI (return on investment),” she said.
NVSU is funding the pilot yacon production, while the Bureau of Agricultural Research (BAR) has a separate research for yacon processing that will also use the Commission on Higher Education-funded P1.2 million TBI facility.
Organic farming of yacon may also be a focus of its commercialization as the Japan market discriminates in favor of organic food produced without much chemical fertilizer or pesticides.
“Yacon is still in its infancy stage but is now becoming an identity of Region 2. Its processing will add value to the crop and will potentially increase farmers’ income in small-scale cropping systems where inputs like fertilizer are not a necessity,” said BAR Director Nicomedes P. Eleazar.
NVSU has already completed product development for yacon, and several products have already turned out to be a product testing success. After trying on different variants for the juice, it has come up with a delicious pineapple-yacon juice. It has also developed yacon pickles and preserves along with wine and tea.
Aside from its being known as a regulator of blood sugar, yacon is also known for preventing colon cancer.
Tiburcio explained that source of the sweetness of yacon is healthful since it comes from inulin, rather than from glucose. Inulin is not a digestible carbohydrate, a non-digestible sugar, therefore not contributing to blood sugar rise.
Inulins belong to a class of fiber called fructans, and it is used as a storage for energy by some plants through the roots or rhizomes.
A 50-hectare land in Claveria, Cagayan is prsently the source of raw yacon for a contractor that ships this to Japan. For the processed form of yacon, wines already reach Japan through hand-carried transport of Filipino balikbayans that use the wine as gift or pasalubong.
In Nueva Vizcaya, an area of at least five hectares in Dupax is a source of yacon for Fred’s Wine which is being assisted by NVSU. A family enterprise of Wilfred Dugaysan, Fred’s Wine is now distributed in pasalubong centers and SM stores.
NVSU’s pilot production will involve physico-chemical and nutritional evaluation of yacon products. It will determine presence of the healthful phytochemicals before and after processing.
Yacon farming can be attractive to farmers. While sweet potato or camote may just be priced P8 per kilo at farm gate, yacon’s price can peak to as high as P80 to P100 per kilo during off season.
However, food processors may also have the option of sourcing yacon tubers in uplands where price may go down to P15 to P30 per kilo, although this may peak to P50 during off season.
NVSU’s TBI already has equipment for commercialization of the products including quality control gadgets, sealing machines, a meter for sugar soluble solids, and processing utensils.
Government agencies including the Department of Science and Technology (DOST) have been lending their support for yacon production in Nueva Vizcaya. DOST has given a grant for improved labels for yacon wine bottles. Alcohol kits that test alcohol content in wine has also been granted for yacon.
NVSU has been trying to attend many trade exhibits in order to promote yacon products.
“Some traders think that we’re already capable of exporting our products abroad,” said Tiburcio.
Yacon’s other known health benefits due to its oligofructans and phenolic contents are skin rejuvenation, reduction of blood triglyceride level, and alleviation of hyperglycemia, kidney problems, and osteoporosis.
The government also intends to explore many uses of yacon, not only of the tuber, but other parts of the plant so as to leave no waste and maximize its marketing.
“The processed products should also be in convenient ready-to-eat form so as to extend the availability of this therapeutic food to different parts of the country,” said Tiburcio.
NVSU is continuing to develop many recipes for yacon even as its earlier products have already been found to be palatable to trial tasters.
“It is important to develop the food into one that is highly pleasing to the market, or commercial success will be at stake,” said Eleazar.
Aside from making taste superior, NVSU has also been developing techniques in order to keep physical appearance attractive.
In pineapple-yacon juice, pineapple not only gives a distinct tasty flavor, but it gives a Vitamin C supplementation to the juice. Pineapple juice was also used as acidulant instead of citric acid. Acidulants are additives that give a sharp taste of food, aid in setting of gels, and act as preservatives.
Other fruit flavorings also make other blends that give yacon a unique taste.
In order to control enzymatic discoloration of the juice, sulfiting– adding of adding of sulfur dioxide in wine-making— is done.
“The use of sulfite instead of heat to inactivate polyphenol oxidase eliminated problems on haziness and discoloration,” said Tiburcio. “Blending yacon with pineapple and hagis wine improved the flavor and minimized the harshness of the wine.”
Pasteurization is also used to preserve and strengthen shelf life of the juice.
For yacon pickles, two flavor enhancers are basil and oregano.
For the preparation of yacon-oolong tea, slight maceration of the chopped leaves of oolong tea, followed by heating eliminated the tea’s grassy odor and developed a darker color and tea-like flavor. Oolong is a traditional Chinese tea.
For more information, please call Dr. Perlita C. Tiburcio, 0927-228-2326
From highways to alleys: Tartanillas survive despite Cebu City’s restrictions
by Junald Dawa Ango
The tartanilla, Cebu City’s version of the horse-drawn carriage or calesa, is past its heyday.
Jeepneys and taxis are the preferred mode of transport in the city today. Add to that the tricycles, pedicabs and motorcycles-for-hire also competing to share in the commuter traffic in Cebu’s streets.1
More than half a century ago, when taxis were absent and jeepneys were few, the tartanilla was king of the road. It was the main form of transportation around downtown Cebu City and in the neighboring suburbs.
Slowly modernization crawled in. Motorized transport, which is more efficient than horsepower, became a growing business enterprise. Commuter preference for speed and convenience also followed: the passengers began vacating the familiar seats of the tartanilla, or rig, after the Second World War when Cebu’s streets were slowly invaded by motorized transport.2
Competition came from downtown jeeps, taxis and tricycles for commuter service. “Downtown jeeps, like Daitsun, Daitsu, etc. could enter smaller and narrower roads like rigs.” And their fares were only slightly higher than rig fare. Taxis were also preferable because these can travel faster and can bring passengers to their doorstep; a former advantage offered only by the tartanilla. Some families even bought mini-cars and motorcycles by installments for private use.3
Without patrons, earnings dwindled. A significant number of rig drivers or cocheros gave up their means of living. Without renters, rig owners let their carriages deteriorate; old rigs were left in disrepair and only a few new ones were constructed. The tartanilla business was on a downturn. The rig numbers dwindled as did the routes they ply. Slowly they were squeezed into a few streets in the downtown. Many a stubborn cochero and rig owner finally gave up, but others still stuck their necks out; either they were the most determined or the most needy. Their horses kept on clip-clopping in the few remaining tartanilla bailiwicks: the streets from Carbon and Taboan leading to Duljo, Mambaling and A. Lopez.
Percy Ruita Jamin, in a study of the tartanilla industry of Cebu City in 1974, cited additional reasons besides the increase of motorized vehicles for the decline of the tartanilla4:
“[1.] Ordinance prohibiting the entrance of the tartanilla in some streets of the city
[2.] Uplift of the educational standards of the children (of cocheros)
[3.] Centennial celebration (of Cebu City) in 1965
[4.] High cost of feeds
[5.] Establishment of Big Firms”
Besides the competition offered by taxis and jeeps, she also listed the following as problems faced by the rig industry at that time:
“[1.] High cost of horse feeds
[2.] Lack of government incentive
[3.] Fare remains steady
[4.] Bad Weather”
Two of the reasons for the decline of the tartanilla industry were government imposed: the ban on some streets and the centennial celebration. Also, two of the problems faced by the diminished tartanilla in 1974 were government inflicted: absence of government support and no fare increase. These government-imposed and inflicted factors, continued in the succeeding years, caused the further decline of this service. The government did have a hand in the decline of this transport industry.
This paper argues that the city government’s increasing restrictions of the tartanilla operations contributed to its slide from its primary position in Cebu City’s transportation system. It shows that with each restrictive city ordinance, policy or decree imposed on the rig industry, the number of tartanilla units had decreased and the number of routes had reduced. The paper traces the Cebu City government’s regulation of the tartanilla beginning after the Second World War up to the 1990s. After the 90s, the council no longer enacted additional restrictive measures because the tartanillas were already too few for them to bother with.
When the tartanilla was king
However, in the 1940s and 50s, the tartanilla was still king of the road; it was the primary form of transport within Cebu City. The number of units were growing from around 1,500 in the 50’s to almost 2,500 in the 60’s.5 In 1960, there were 2,425 rigs plying the city.6
The tartanilla would take you anywhere in the city and its suburbs.7 Similar to the taxi, it did not follow a line or route but may take its passenger to any destination in the city based on these rates in 19458:
“I – Within city limits – P0.10 per capita
II – Beyond city limits – P0.10 per capita plus P0.05 for every additional kilometer
III – By the hour – P0.60 for the first 30 minutes or less. Over 30 minutes but not over one (1) hour, P1.00 and for every additional hour or fraction thereof, P0.75
IV – By City Limits is meant that area of Cebu City comprised within and bounded by Carlock , Tres de Abril, Mango Avenue and Martires streets and the sea. Passengers using rigs beyond these limits shall be subject to Tariff No. II.”
Three years later, changes were made on the fare schedule. Fare for additional kilometers was increased from P0.05 to P0.10 beyond city limits; and city limits was redefined as “within Tuti – Calamba Streets, P. del Rosario – Imus Streets, Martires – T. Padilla Streets and the sea or water front.”9
City council conspires against the tartanilla
While the rig transport was on an upswing in the 1950s, the city council suddenly applied the brakes to the momentum of growth. Beginning at the closing years of the decade and pursuing it in the decades thereafter, the council successively imposed restrictive ordinances on the transport; it was overtly campaigning against the tartanilla.
“This is a kind of industry which the government endeavors to eliminate and they are doing this by installments. City planners are planning to ease out this industry. According to them, this industry does not give a good image to the city,” says Jamin.10 The reasons cited by the city officials for their desire to limit, if not abolish, the rigs were11:
“1. hazard to traffic;
2. horses sometimes are hard to control, when restless become uncontrollable;
3. source of waste matters, a hazard to health; and
4. bad image to visitors of the city.”
They then enacted corresponding ordinances to respond to these problems; ordinances which led to the decline of the tartanilla as transport.
Anti-horse manure ordinance
In 1958, civic organizations lead by the Board of Directors of Zapatera Elementary School Parents Teachers Association petitioned the city council to act on a unique Cebuano problem — horse manure. It was a grave garbage and pollution problem at that time. The council estimated 5,000 kilos of manure being scattered around the city daily (a kilo per horse for the 5,000 horses). When dried and pulverized, it was blown about and mixed with the air they breathe.12
The council responded with an anti-horse manure ordinance. All rigs must carry a receptacle for the manure and the driver must stop the rig and pick-up the manure as discharged by the horse.13 That ingenious contraption attached behind the butt of the horse today which captures the waste as it is released by the animal was not yet used at that time by the Cebuanos.
So far, no restriction which limited tartanilla operations due to the health risks posed by horse manure was enacted. But later on, the health risks would be cited by the government in passing another law that further restricted tartanilla service.
Limitation of the number of rigs
The more immediate and direct problem faced by the rig owners and drivers was the view held by the city council that the tartanilla was the main cause of the worsening traffic congestion. The only way to go, most councilors believed, was to limit the rig operations or ultimately abolished it.
In 1961, the city council delivered a big blow to tartanilla operation — Ordinance no. 328. The ordinance barred further growth of the number of tartanillas by limiting the number of rigs allowed to operate in the city at 2,500. The 2,425 rigs who were registered in the previous year would be the ones renewed their registration, while the first to apply for licenses in 1961 would be given the remaining 75 slots.14 No more licenses will be issued over 2,500.
Why this drastic measure? At this time the rigs were still the dominant form of transport in Cebu; tricycles and pedicabs were few. A well-traveled Bureau of Lands employee observed that Cebu has the most number of tartanillas in the Philippines. The city council, searching for a solution to traffic problems, saw the numerous tartanillas as the cause of the problem. They believed that these century-old carriages should be replaced by a more efficient form of transportation. They were thinking of scooters as replacement.15 Scooters, or motorcycles, must have been attached to side cars and transformed into the tricycles.
For the council, the scooter was the solution to traffic congestion: 2,500 rigs could be replaced by only 700 scooters, thus decongesting the streets. The proponents of the ordinance, councilors Eulogio Borres and Raymundo Crystal, even claimed that the rig owners and drivers were willing to be converted into scooter operators and drivers. And this conversion was within their means — the cost of a brand new tartanilla (P500.00) was enough down-payment for a scooter.16
But the council plan was not without opposition. In the city’s search for a more efficient transport, there was no need to harass one of the competitors. Councilor Nazario Pacquiao pointed out that the provision on no substitution placed the rigs at a great disadvantage. This provision banned replacement of delinquent rigs and voluntary surrendered licenses. The slots will not be given to new applicants but will remain vacant. According to Pacquiao, the 2,500 rigs allowed to operate will slowly reduce in number even if there are only five delinquent operators every year: from 2,500 in 1961 to only 2,495 in ’62, 2,490 in ’63 and so on.17 And five delinquent operators a year is the best case scenario; varied reasons prevent a rig operator to settle his taxes on time.
The councilor suggested that they allow free competition to take its course instead of giving unfair advantage to the scooters by limiting the number of rigs. If the scooters are really more efficient, they would eventually push aside the rigs from the streets.18 The suggestion was unheeded, the ordinance was passed by a majority decision with one opposing and one abstention.
Limitation of their routes
The city council did not stop with controlling the maximum number of tartanillas; they also prohibited the rigs from entering selected districts of the city. If in the 40s and 50s, the tartanilla operated like a taxi: it could convey its passenger to any point in the city, in the 60s it was already banned in several streets.
In 1965, during the celebration of the 400th year anniversary of the Christianization of the Philippines which was held in Cebu City, rigs were banned from entering some streets like Sanciangko, T. Padilla, Imus-Sikatuna, Bonifacio and various smaller streets near the centennial area. The celebration lasted for a month but the prohibition continued after, forcing many cocheros to quit. The lay-off from tartanilla service during the centennial also resulted to the deterioration of rigs; the units fell into disrepair and decay rendering them unusable. From 2,430 rigs registered in 1964 prior to the centennial celebration the number dropped to only 1,192 rigs in 1966.19
Seven years later another restriction was imposed: Ordinance 801 series of 1972 of Cebu City Traffic Code. “According to Lt. Alfonso S. Perales, Education Officer of the CPD [Cebu Police Department], tartanillas are banned from entering the national highways of the city. The previous ordinances (No. 65) were repealed and the prevailing ordinance is Ordinance No. 801 series of 1972 of Cebu City Traffic Code….”20
The ban from the national highways prevented them not only from entering but also from crossing the highways; making other streets inaccessible. Formerly restricted only in main streets like Colon, Magallanes, M.J. Cuenco and Leon Kilat; with the new ordinance, rigs are now allowed only in Sanciangko, Borromeo, Tres de Abril, Garfield, a certain portion of Junquera, Imus, Sikatuna, T. Padilla, C. Padilla, Aranas, Spoliarium, Carlock, a certain portion of M. J. Cuenco, Tupas, and other small streets. These resulted to more rig owners and cocheros quitting; only 530 rigs were registered in 1973.21
Plagued by the oil crisis in the 1970s, we assume that the government will reverse its attitude toward the rigs because it is an alternative to motorized transport. However, “Patrolman [A.D.] Sayson [of CPD Traffic Division] says that the stringent measures and restrictions are imposed strictly now as before even with the oil crisis because of [the city officials] aim to eradicate this road nuisance.”22
The restrictions continued with another ordinance in 1990. Ordinance 1381 set the remaining streets allowed for passage of the tartanilla.23 It states:
“Section 7. The rig drivers are authorized and may pass only through the following streets any time of the day or night:
a. From the junction of D. Jakosalem Street following Sanciangko Street, Juan Climaco Street up to Forbes Bridge, back and forth;
b. From Taboan Market (Tres de Abril Street) through Sanciangko Street up to the junction of D. Jakosalem St., back and forth; from Taboan Market (B. Aranas Street) through Lakandula Street, then C. Padilla Street to Duljo, back and forth; From Pasil Fish Market through Tupas Street up to the corner of Magallanes and El Filibusterismo Street, back and forth; from Taboan Market (Tres de Abril Street) through Katipunan or V. Rama Street or A. Lopez Street, back and forth; from Taboan Market through Tres de Abril Street, then Carlock Street and B. Aranas Ext., back and forth.”
The city council passed this ordinance in a unanimous resolution. Citing heath risks due to manure, and traffic congestion worsened by the slow moving rigs as reasons, they sent the staggering rig industry to its knees. This time the rig people cared less, or were powerless, to defend. Unlike the prolonged debates in the council session when they set the maximum number of tartanillas at 2,500, no objection was raised. Unlike the vehement opposition of operators and drivers when the council planned to prohibit rigs from entering some streets, they assented to be allowed only in a few. Two years later there were only 437 registered tartanillas in the city.24
A king no more
The downfall of the tartanilla is mainly due to the advance of technology. Motor-powered vehicles are superior to the horse-powered rigs; market forces side with the more efficient mode of transport, the faster scooters (converted into tricycles), and later, the bigger taxis and jeepneys. The tartanilla is just another casualty of progress.
However, the Cebu City government may have hastened the decline of the tartanilla as a form transportation. Instead of waiting for market forces to determine the fate of the tartanilla, the city council passed successive ordinances that quickened the transition from rigs to motorized transport. In its quest to find solutions to traffic problems, it jumped to the conclusion that the rigs were the culprit, and eliminating them would solve traffic congestion (which it did not). Thus it marginalized the rig service through its increasing restrictive ordinances.
The tartanilla may not be king anymore, but it continues to ferry passengers and cargoes along the side-streets of Cebu. It is a preferred transportation of shoppers returning to nearby suburbs from shopping in the city’s three largest public markets (Carbon, Taboan and Pasil) for a fare below the regular transportation. Today, 100 to 200 rigs remain.
While the city is bidding out its plans for a modern mass transit system (either by Light Rail Transit or Bus Rapid Transit); while other Philippine cities have retired their horse-drawn carriages into tourist rides, Cebu’s tartanillas continue to serve commuter needs unsatisfied by regular transportation; it is still a limited means of transport to some inner parts of the city. Our generation will never witness a tartanilla traffic jam again but once in a while you will notice from your jeepney seat a cochero announcing the passage of the one time Cebuano king of the road.
Notes
1These modes of transport are only those which operate within the city. There are also buses and vans/FXs in Cebu City, but these convey commuters to the other cities and towns of the province.
2“The Unsinkable Tartanilla”, Sun Star Weekend, 3 September 1989, p. 8.
3Percy Ruita Jamin, “A Study of the Tartanilla Industry in Cebu City” (MA thesis, University of San Carlos, Cebu City, 1974), pp. 35, 73.
4Jamin, 74.
5Jamin 39.
6Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, “minutes of Ordinance 328”, 16 January, 1961.
7Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, Ordinance no. 65: An ordinance regulating traffic, operation of rigs, registration of rigs and rig driver license, licensing of push cart owner, and the carrying of lights, 20 December, 1947.
8Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, Ordinance no. 2: An ordinance providing for tariff or schedule of rates for tartanillas operated for public use, 12 July, 1945.
9Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, Ordinance 67: An ordinance to amend section one of Ordinance numbered Two entitled “An ordinance providing for tariff or schedule of rates for tartanillas operated for public use”, 9 April, 1948.
10Jamin, p. 74.
11Jamin, 75.
12Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, Ordinance 241: An ordinance providing for the elimination of manures from the city streets and for other purposes, 6 March 1958.
13Ordinance 241.
14Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, Ordinance 328: An ordinance limiting the registration of tartanillas operating within the limits of the City of Cebu to two thousand five hundred rigs only and for other purposes, 16 January, 1961; “minutes Ordinance 328”.
15“minutes Ordinance 328”.
16Ibid.
17Ibid.
18Ibid.
19Jamin, 36- 37.
20Jamin 14.
21Jamin 34, 39.
22Jamin 17.
23City Council of Cebu, Ordinance 1381: An ordinance updating and consolidating the existing ordinances pertaining to the registration flow of traffic and licensing of rigs and rig drivers and providing penalties therefore, 19 November, 1990.
24“Tartanillas”, Sun Star Weekend, 20 September 1992, p. 19.
Works Cited
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu. Ordinance no. 2: An ordinance providing for tariff or schedule of rates for tartanillas operated for public use. 12 July, 1945.
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu. Ordinance no. 65: An ordinance regulating traffic, operation of rigs, registration of rigs and rig driver license, licensing of push cart owner, and the carrying of lights. 20 December, 1947.
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu. Ordinance 67: An ordinance to amend section one of Ordinance numbered Two entitled “An ordinance providing for tariff or schedule of rates for tartanillas operated for public use.”. 9 April, 1948.
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu. Ordinance 241: An ordinance providing for the elimination of manures from the city streets and for other purposes. 6 March 1958.
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu. Ordinance 328: An ordinance limiting the registration of tartanillas operating within the limits of the City of Cebu to two thousand five hundred rigs only and for other purposes. 16 January, 1961.
City Council of Cebu. Ordinance 1381: An ordinance updating and consolidating the existing ordinances pertaining to the registration flow of traffic and licensing of rigs and rig drivers and providing penalties therefore. 19 November, 1990.
Municipal Board of the City of Cebu, “minutes of Ordinance 328”, 16 January, 1961.
Jamin, Percy Ruita. “A Study of the Tartanilla Industry in Cebu City”. MA thesis University of San Carlos. 1974.
“The Unsinkable Tartanilla”. Sun Star Weekend. 3 September 1989.
Tartanillas”. Sun Star Weekend. 20 September 1992.
(Photo credit: http://www.gocebu.travel/event/Tartanilla_Festival)