From Spanish period up until the present time, the principales or elites dominate the Philippine politics and governance.Republic
In 1896, Spanish Governor General Ramon Blanco declared Martial Law to suppress the widespread unrest and quell the Katipunan Revolution.
On 21 September 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos signed the Martial Law that was only announced on 23 September to arrest his stunned political foes. Click on the link below to see presentation.
The Masons in the Philippines took the their name from the Freemasonry, a fraternal organization , that traces its origins to local fraternities of stonemasons in the United States that started in the 14th century to regulate their dealings with the government and their clients and likewise monitor their standardized qualifications. Calling themselves Masons in English and Mason (Ma-son) in Filipino, the Ilustrados had put up the fraternity in the Philippines. Mainly a men’s organization, Filipino women established their own Masonic Lodge in the Philippines during the Propaganda Movement proving that Filipinas have been strong women throughout history.
Dr. Jose Rizal’s sisters Josefa and Trinidad led the establishment of a Masonic Lodge for women in the 19th century.
Graciano Lopez Jaena established the Revolucion Lodge in Barcelona in 1889.
Ilustrados also established La Solidaridad Lodge (not the newspaper) in Madrid during the Reform Movement.
The Nilad Lodge in Manila was also established.
Jose Rizal had put up Narra Lodge with Dimasalang as his Masonic name.
Josefa and Trinidad Rizal, together with Rosario Villaruel, Marina Dizon, Valeriana Legazpi, Romualda de Lanuza, Sixta Fajardo and Purificacion Leyva had established the Walana Lodge, a Masonic Lodge for women, in Manila.
By Norodin Alonto Lucman
Philippine history in school textbooks tend to confuse rather than enlighten. The starting point of Philippine history was 1899 known as the Malolos Constitution, a political construct conceived by ilustrados who maintained filial and historical ties with Mother Spain. The 1896 Katipunan Rebellion was not a Philippine insurrection. It was a Katagalugan Insurrection against Spain. Ka Andres Bonifacio and Jose Rizal never considered themselves Filipinos. Jose Rizal always regard himself as a Malay by racial identity. This is probably why more Filipinos are evasive when they are confronted with historical issues on how Philippines came about. They are as confused about details of their national heroes and the battles that they lost against Spain and later the Americans. So I turned to our Salsila and history to understand why Mindanao history was left out in the narration of Philippine history. For starters, Philippines is a misnomer. It has nothing to do with the origins of our ancient history. Mindanao history is as old as the kingdom of Champa, a 2nd century kingdom in what is now Vietnam.
Development of human civilization in Mindanao and Sulu came in three stages
In the early 11th century a known civilization in Maguindanao, or Mintolang – Butuan, (Pd’uan or P’u-tuan) was described in the Sung Shi, Sung history, as a small country in the sea to the east of Champa (Vietnam), farther than Ma’yi (Mindoro), with regular communications with Champa, but only rarely with China. The Kingdom of Champa (Chiem Tham) was founded in the 2nd century and lasted until the 17th century. The peaceful kingdom is one of many diverse kingdoms in East Asia protected by China in the 9th and 10th century as a trading and commercial partner.
The prosperity of Cham became a target of invasion by different armies in the region including China, Mongols, Khmers of Angkor Vat, Dai Viet who took turns in invading the remaining cities of the Cham.
The last Champa King Po Chen, moved his kingdom away from the marauding Viet troops and hundreds of thousands of his subjects, mostly Muslims, trooped to coastal areas of what is now Kampuchea, Kelantan and Terrenganu. It was the first known mass Diaspora in the history of Indochina.
What remains of the ancient kingdom is a strip of land called Kompong Cham, a coastal region in the southwestern part of Kampuchea with 100,000 inhabitants known as Rohingyans. (Islamic-world.net)
The demise of Champa is a bitter lesson to Muslims in the Malay world, Bangsa Melayu. Their fate could have been duplicated in Mindanao had it not been of the dogged resistance of the Sultanates against tremendous odds. Centuries of conflicts in the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra was also a blessing.
Islamization in East Asia brought civilization to disparate tribes and communities in East Asia amid the violence of European colonialism, seeking riches and gold in the region. Islam carried with it terrible wars and resistance against pagan tribes, evangelizing Spaniards and Portuguese conquistadores who see in Islam a threat to their grand design of subjugation and enslavement of East Asians, particularly in the Malay world. Study of history in East Asia is intertwined with the development of organized nation-states and Caliphates in the Middle East and Europe, and consequently the flowering of Islamic civilizations from Menado, Sulawesi (Bugis) to Acheh, all the way down to Luzon and Mindanao through centuries of peaceful missionary work, and not by force.
It established the sultanates of Maguindanao and Sulu when Malay and Sumatran noblemen, missionaries and their followers took refuge in Mindanao and Luzon to escape the depredations wrought by Portuguese colonizers and their puppets in the islands of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. By the time the Spaniards set foot in Masao in Butuan in 1521, the Rajahs knew what to expect from the colonizers. Tales of violence by Portuguese against the Malays are well known in the islands, through horrible stories narrated by refugees from the stricken kingdoms and principalities of Sumatra and Malay Peninsula. Rajah Kolambo of Butuan and his brother Rajah Siaoi were diplomatic enough to tell Ferdinand Magellan who reached Masao in 1521 “that they have a lord” and there is no need for them to worship another god. As soon as provisions were given to the Spaniards, Ferdinand Magellan set sail to Sugbu (Cebu) where fate awaits him.
Another beleaguered city in Sumatra known as Bentayan was transplanted in Ranao as Binidayan. Kingdom of Pasay in Sumatera (Sumatra) was transplanted in Luzon. Most of the Johor nobility at the time were either executed or have escaped the death warrants of Achehnese rulers, allies of Portugal at one point, by relocating to other parts of East Asia, establishing sultanates and principalities in the name of Islam. It follows that the bloodline of Prophet Mohammed’s Ahlul Bayt be preserved despite the cruelty of foreign colonialism and extreme depredations.
Temasek was renamed Singapore, a variant of Singhapura, now a prosperous city-state in the southern tip of the Malay archipelago.
In our genealogy, legend has it that the civilization of our forefathers in pre-Islamic times under Madjapahit and Sri Vijayan Empires emanated from the Kingdom of Butuan – Butuanun Kalinan. Butuanons were said to be regular visitors to China along with foreign traders like the Arabs, Syrians, Tibetans, Uighors and Samals. Sometime in March 17, 1001, King Kiling (O’ling or Ch’ling) of Butuan, the earliest known kingdom in northern Mindanao sent tribute missions headed by Li-yihan and Jlaminan to China but China singly recognized Champa in southern Vietnam as its major trading partner. Back then, we call our rulers Rajah, Sri, Datu or Simbaan, a variant of Simbahan which means lord in ancient times. This title found its way in the lexicon of Katagalugan, the Nation of Tagalogs, meaning Church or he who is worshipped. In Luzon they chose their ruler by consensus, ihalal, of which the root word is in Arabic halal, to cleanse or he who is beyond question as an honest, brave and just leader. In other words, clean. halal. Madjapahit Empire ceased to exist when Mongol warlord Kublai Khan invaded the island of Java in 13th century and killed its king. (Marco Polo)
In the event, this prosperous trade partnership has proven that Butuan enjoy a high level of economic and political relations with other kingdoms in East Asia. Regular contacts with Muslim traders from the Middle East have exposed them to Islam, which is at the height of its economic and political power. (Greg Hontiveros) In 1011, Sri Bata Shaja clinched a trade partnership with China, the earliest recorded trade mission from northern Mindanao. He sent one of his trusted men, Liyu-xie, bearing his message inscribed in gold tablet, assorted gifts of local varieties and a slave. The Chinese Emperor was impressed, probably impressed with such offerings, bestowed Liyu-xie with a military title and necessary symbolic regalia such as flags, pennants symbolizing the granting of an honor to a distant land. Butuan had emerged as a busy commercial port during the Sung Period, when Butuan boats called Balanghai were capable of sailing beyond Mindanao shores. (William Henry Scott).
Butuan’s prominence extended to other regions in Mindanao and Sulu. Indeed, Sultan Barafa Shah Tengah of Sulu at the end of the 16th century was said to have been a Butuanon himself. (Scott: Barangay 177) Against the backdrop of this turbulent and glorious history, it is not true that Mindanao was a wilderness when Spain invited themselves as conquerors and intruders.
In 1310, an Arab missionary by the name of Tuan Mashaika Maqbalu died in Jolo. He was buried at Mount Datu. He was revered as the founder of Sulu’s first Islamic society. It was not known how he lived in Sulu but there was an active trading activity between Sulu and the islands of Borneo, Indonesia and trading settlements along the Straits of Melaka (Malacca). Arab traders and missionaries are known to ply the region around this time, spreading and preaching the Koran to the Malay natives.
1376 “Sometime in the last quarter of the 14th century” said historian Ambeth Ocampo, “Sheikh Karimul Makhdum Tuan Sharif Awliya, arrived in Buansa, Sulu with seven other Arab scholars or teachers.” Through historical sources, oral tradition, local history or genealogical calendar, the exact date was 1376 or 1380 or thereabouts. Sheikh Makhdum (Ar. Makhtoum) built the first mosque in the Simunul islands, a strategic gateway to Mindanao & Sulu, a prosperous and powerful island, frequented by European and Asian mariners and sailors.
1407 Emperor Zhu Di (Yong-Lo), at one time expressed interest in Luzon but Admiral Zheng He probably did not pursue the plan to seize the island except with Ko Cha Lao, a Chinese warlord who organized Chinese resistance against Spain in Luzon. In many of his major voyages, between 1421-1423, Zheng He always bypass Luzon (Liu-sung) in favor of other islands as though it has no value. It was not even mentioned in his log books or in the inscriptions found in Chiang-su. This is very significant in the light of lack of materials chronicling the people of Luzon before 1521. Another version known in Chinese writings as San-Pai-T’ai-Chien, Zheng He, a native of Yunan, was a Muslim admiral and a favorite eunuch of Emperor Zhu Di. Within a period of 28 years (1405-1433) he led seven exploring expeditions which discovered the Americas, 100 years before Columbus. (Gavin Menzies, 1421) Through Zheng He, the Ming Dynasty flourished and maintained trade and diplomatic relations with African, Asian, Arab Kings and Sultans. He reached Lingayen (Luzon), Mindoro and Jolo in December, 1405-1406 and 1417. Admiral Zheng He, a Muslim eunuch and head of China’s Treasure Fleet under Ming Emperor Zhu Di, proclaimed the Sultan of Melaka and gave notice to the King of Siam that their days of exacting tribute from Melaka is over. The Sultanate was joined by other kingdoms in the Malay Peninsula, giving rise to an organized confederation of Islamic Sultanates covering the islands of Sumatra, Sulawesi, Java and Borneo. Consequently, Manila, Tondo, Mindanao & Sulu became part of this confederation of Sultanates governed by common attachment to Islam, geography and most of all, mercantile society.
This civilization was anchored on organized government, guided by laws backed by a powerful navy and ground army. A Mranao noble title known as “Ayunan Datu” (He whose counsel is valued) is believed to have originated from the word “Yunan” a region in China populated by Muslims. Admiral Zheng He is a Yunanese. At the height of the power of the Chinese Treasure Fleet in East Asia, Zheng He was known to have negotiated peaceful settlements among warring tribes in the Malay region. He pacified, among others, the conflict between the Sinhalese and Tamils while in Ceylon (Sri Lanka), an important seaport in the Indian Ocean. Few years after Ming Emperor Zhu Di’s death in 1423, Zheng He retired in Nanjing where he died of old age.
1417 Paduka Pahala, the Eastern King of Sulu, died of illness at Te-chow (now Dezhou City in Shandong Province, China) while on an official Royal State Visit to Pekin, China during the Ming Dynasty whose emperor at that time was Zhu Di (Yong-le) who reigned from 1403 to 1424. He was given a Royal burial in Imperial China. In his eulogy, Emperor Zhu Di said: “He was a brave King and Master of the East.” Diplomatic relations between Mindanao and China prospered despute the Sultan’s death.
In 1471, the great city of Vijaya was sacked by the Viet troops. Vijaya was renamed Dong Duong, Da Nang was the former Singhapura, Kauthara also fell and was later renamed as NhaTrang in Khanh Hoa province. Amaravati is now the present-day Quang Nam province.
In 1433, Portugal launched the highly profitable slave trade in the region, invading regions known for their spices. From its major base in Goa (India), it attacked the Melaka sultanates, Acheh, Johor and other kingdoms in the archipelago causing massive dislocation of inhabitants, loss of property and lives. This practice was copied by other enterprising European countries plying the islands searching for East Asian treasures. Soon, merchants and raiders from Mindanao entered the slave business, attacking Spanish enclaves in Luzon and Visayas in search of Spanish garrisons, bihags, or slaves, to be sold to British and Dutch companies, enemies of Spain, in exchange for guns and bullets.
Rajah Baguinda established himself as leader of the Tausogs, people of the current. He introduced the use of modern weapons in his domain. This particular period in East Asia was crucial in the sense that Europeans are beginning to make itself felt in the islands.
In 1450, Sayed Abu Bakr, descendant of Prophet Muhammad, joined Rajah Baguinda and married the Rajah’s daughter, a nobility from Sumatra. (Scott, Barangay:178) After the death of Raja Baguinda, Sayed Abu Bakr who goes by the title Paduka Maharasi Maulana al Sultan ul-Hashim, founded the Sultanate of Sulu and took the title Sultan Sharif of Sulu. Political districts were created in Parang, Pansul, Lati, Gitung and Luuk, each led by a Panglima or district leader.
The Sultanate, in its golden years, had a dominion over a large territory stretching as far as Surigao and part of Brunei to the south. Ranao coastline (Kapatagan, Balabagan, Malabang and Picong) was part of the Sultanate of Maguindanao. Ramitan (Malabang) was the seat of Sultan Kudarat’s Sultanate.
In 1475, Sharif Kabungsuan aka Sharif Muhammad bin Ali (Bin Sharif Ali Zein al Abedin, Sultan of Malaysia) left Johor and reached Malabang, literally means the first “grand” call to prayer, and married four noble women from different families in the lake and coastal regions, establishing the Sultanate of Maguindanao (Mindanao) and thereafter the four principalities of Ranao. (Forrest) According to Martel de Gayangos, a Spanish comptroller, Malabang and Lalabuan were prosperous seaports frequented by Arab, Malay, Dutch, French and British traders. Previous to the arrival of Sharif Kabungsuan, two important Sharifs already reached Mindanao, namely Sharifs Maraja and Awliya. (Sharif, variant of Sheriff, is a title inherited from the Arabs accorded to the nobles and rulers whose bloodline can be traced to Prophet Muhammad. Sharif Maraja (Maradia) is the ancestor of Tabunaway and Mamalu, scions of Buayaan, Teduray and Maguindanaon clans).
1495 Treaty of Tordesillas. Partition of the World into Spanish and Portuguese colonial empires. Luzon, Visayas, Mindanao & Sulu falls under the colonial domain of Spain. Malay Peninsula and Sumatra falls under the colonial dominion of Portugal.
1509 Ferdinand Magellan, also known as Fernao do Magalhaes reached the Malacca islands, claiming a stake in the lucrative Spice islands and ushering Europe’s Age of Discovery in Africa and Asia. In September, a Portuguese expedition with four ships reached Malacca. According to Chinese chronicles in the early 15th century, Malacca was a thriving seaport inhabited by Chinese and Malays ruled by fierce chieftains. (Menzies) One of the crews, a youthful Ferdinand Magellan, was on apprenticeship as a navigator. A Muslim Chieftain ambushed the party killing 60 Portuguese sailors, destroying one of the vessels. The surviving party limped back to the ships and sailed away. Magellan was wounded. Magellan’s slave Enrique, a mulatto, traveled with Magellan to Lisbon.
In 1513, he took part in the Portuguese campaign against the Moors, Moros in Africa. In this campaign, Magellan was pierced by an enemy lance in the left knee, which caused him to limp for the rest of his life. (S.Zaide:76)
1511 Alfonse d’Albuquerque, the Portuguese Viceroy of India invaded Melaka (Malacca), forcing Malay and Sumatran natives to take to the sea in hastily organized fleets. Their boats were scattered by storms. Some ended up in Borneo, some in Mindanao, Visayas and Luzon. Each boatload of refugees became the nucleus of a new settlement. Earliest known map of the region was made by a Portuguese pilot Rodriguez, who works for Albuquerque.
The earliest known information about Luzon, lusong, or liu’sung, meaning rice mortar in Chinese, was in 1513. An early explorer and cartographer Tome Pires referred to a nation called lucoes which could mean Ilokos: “The lucoes are about ten days sail beyond Borneo. They are nearly all heathen, they have no king, but are ruled by groups of elders. They are a robust people, little thought of in Malacca.” He went on: “The Borneans go to the land of lucoes to buy gold, and foodstuffs as well, and wax and honey, and they take the same merchandise from here as the Borneans take. They are almost one people they are a useful people, they are hard-working.” This trade attracted the Borneans to such an extent that they built a thriving settlement along the seacoast and banks of the Pasig river known today as Manila and Tondo. A Rajanate was organized in Tondo and Manila, whose leaders were chosen among the members of the Bruneian royalty. By the time Miguel Lopez de Legazpi set foot in Manila in 1567, there were 5,000 Muslim families in Manila and Tondo ruled by Rajahs Soliman, Matanda and Lakandula, the ancestor of powerful political clans in the Tagalog and Pampango speaking regions.
Rajah Sultan Mansur of Tidore, a city-state in Indonesia, pledged allegiance to Spain by swearing on a Koran. According to other accounts, Magellan landed at Masao (not Limasawa island), in Northern Mindanao on March 28, 1521. (Zaide: 81) Antonio Pigafetta wrote: “… we saw approaching two long boats, which they called Balanghai, full of men, and in the larger boat was their king seated below an awning made of mats. And when they came near the captain’s ship, the said slave (Enrique) spoke to that king, who understood him well.” Bahasa Malayo was lingua franca among the nobility in Malay lands including Mindanao and Visayas. From that moment onwards, Enrique became the sole ears and voice of this band of explorers. Enrique quickly learned the art of navigation which was very helpful in Magellan’s quest to find the undiscovered “rich islands east of Malacca.” Magellan brought Enrique to India, Africa, Lisbon and Spain. (Quirino)
Antonio Pigafetta, chronicler of Ferdinand Magellan, noted that Rajah Kulambo and his brother Rajah Siaui of Butuan welcomed the foreigners with open arms. They were wined and dined by these rajahs. However, in the first mass conducted by Magellan on March 31, 1521, these two Rajahs from Mindanao attended the Eucharist but did not offer the sacrifice.
1521 A Portuguese explorer Fernao do Magalhaes (Ferdinand Magellan) discovered Sugbu (Cebu) and declared the island a property of the King of Spain. Fernao do Magalhaes was killed by Rajah Lapu Lapu of Mactan, a Muslim warrior allied with the Sultan of Sulu, in that same year.
Instruction from the Spanish King to Ferdinand Magellan “… was to locate a Pacific passage to the Moluccas with authority to annex uncharted territories he should discover. If and when natives are found in the new territories, Magellan will Hispanize and Christianize them.”
In fact, 20 years after the death of Magellan, his chief pilot Villalobos Ginés de Mafra stayed for two months in Mazaua/Maçagua (Masao: Butuan), time enough to become sufficiently acquainted with the geographic situation which he encountered twice north and south of the strait of Surigao. He recorded the following:
“From the chief of Maçagua Magellan heard that in a region named Butuan, located in the island of Mindanao, in its northern part, at a distance of 15 leguas from Maçagua, much gold is found.” (Antonio Blazquez,and Delgado Aguilera for the Spanish Royal Geographic Society, 1920. Archivo General de Indias, p. 199. Sevilla. Schreurs: 28)
An early Spanish expedition report made in 1523 by J.G. de Loaisa spoke of a big island called Mamgdanao (Magindanao). This was corrupted into Vendanao, Bendanao and later, Mindanao. The report was translated into different European languages which gave rise to confusion and misinformation, one of which was the controversy between Mazaua (Masao) and Limasawa (Dimasawa), the first mass in Butuan
In 1564, Kota Batu and Johor Lama fell. The fort and town were burned and plundered by powerful armies of Acheh, a new kingdom in northern Sumatra, supported by Melaka Malays, Malabaris, Gujeratis and Turkish soldiers. The Kingdom of Acheh ruled the Sumatera and the Malay Peninsula until the Portuguese, using Goa (India) as a jumping point invaded these kingdoms.
In 1594, despite the difficulties of keeping their Viet enemies at bay, the King of Champa helped the Sultan of Johor resist the onslaughts of Portuguese incursions into the region and became embroiled in the bloody colonial wars which pitted the Malay Sultans against each other and different foreign powers from the 15th up to the 17th century.
The defeat of Spanish Armada in 1588 by England led by Sir Francis Drake broke the monopoly of Spain and Portugal in East Asia thus preserving Islam in Southeast Asia. Great Britain, Netherlands and France did not share the evangelizing spirit of the conquistadores and their Age of Discovery. It is the nemesis of their new philosophy, an embodiment of the Western Free World, a refinement of the Crusader spirit that saw many debacles in the 12th century. The Mindanao problem continue to fester simply because the Philippine Constitution is a reflection of this ancient conquistadores spirit, an issue that was left unresolved in the post-colonial period after World War II.
Between 1607 and 1676, the kingdom was ruled by King Ibrahimhe, married to a Malay princess, who ruled an area covering parts of present-day Vietnam and Kampuchea. It was a prosperous kingdom until the Vietnamese under King Minh Mang annexed Champa territories and drove the Muslims out of present-day Ho Chi Minh City (Saigon), provinces of Trang, Phan Rang, PhanRi and PhanThiet.
It is worth noting that the names of these famous cities were adopted in some regions in present-day Malaysia and the Philippines. The Kingdom of Pasay in Sumatera (Sumatra) which was sacked by the Portuguese was transplanted to Luzon. The origin of the Sanskrit name Vijaya is thought to be the present-day Visayas in Central Philippines. Indrapura could mean Indarapatra – a legendary folk hero in Maguindanao and Ranao whose magical powers and brute strength is second to one. Cotabato, or Kota Batu (also Kotawato), could have been derived from the great fort in Johor which saw many invasion forces, including the Portuguese. The fort finally fell in 1586 when Portuguese commander Antonio de Noronha overwhelmed 12,000 Malay defenders (Johor Malays, Minangkabaus from Naning and Rembau, Javanese, Terengganu Malays and allies from Sumatran states of Indragiri and Kampar) and vanquished the resistance of Sultan Ali who died in exile in 1597. He was succeeded by his son Alauddin Riayat Shah II who was later captured and eventually executed by the Achehnese in 1614. (Zain, Sejara Melayu)
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi was aware of Magellan’s fate in 1521 at the hands of Mactan Chief Lapu Lapu but he was hopeful that the natives might be persuaded to make peace with the Castilians despite the treachery and deception of Rajah Humabon: “afterward the two islands Matan and Sebu made peace privately between themselves, and the inhabitants of Cebu killed many of the Spaniards of the same fleet, and drove the remaining few away from their land.” Instead, this time around, he found himself in Cebu scavenging for food and pursuing the enemy for provisions. Legazpi was astounded by the hostility of Cebuanos. He wrote: “They are the lightest and swiftest runners whom I have ever seen. When we entered the village, all the food had already been taken away.” Nevertheless, Rajah Tupas allowed him to build a temporary base in his dominion in 1565. Despite the friendship of Rajahs Tupas and Sikatuna of Cebu and Bohol respectively, Legazpi concluded his report by pleading to his King for help. Normally a calm and confident man, he could not hide his apprehension:
… “Aid should be sent as promptly as the necessity of our condition demands. For we shall have war not only with the natives of this and other neighboring islands but, a thing of greater consequence .. we shall have to wage war with many different nations and islands, who will aid these people, and will side against us such as the Moros and other powerful and well-armed people I beg His Majesty to send us aid with all promptness.”
The origins of Moro identity
Obviously, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi was apprehensive that the powerful and well-organized Muslim sultanates might come and overwhelm his fledgling army. At the time, a Spanish historian (intelligence agent) who probably visited Mindanao, observed of the Muslims:
“In the villages, where they had ten or twelve chiefs, only one- the richest of them- was he whom all obeyed. When laws were to be enacted for governing the commonwealth, the greatest chief, whom all the rest obeyed, assembled in his own house all the other chiefs of the village, and when they had come, he made a speech and the other chiefs approved what he ordained. This policy was not in vogue with the PintadosVisayans, because no one of them was willing to recognize another as his superior.”
Lakandula (Lakan Abdullah), a descendant of the King of Namayan (there is a park in Mandaluyong called Namayan), was awed by the firepower of the Spanish forces led by Goiti, and decided to be friends with the newcomers rather than be destroyed. (Quirino: 121, Salsila)
The following year, Legazpi, a Basque, subdued Raja Solayman of Manila (Amanila) and Rajah Matanda (Old Chief) who is known as the “Prince of Luzon” and grandson of Brunei’s Sultan Bolkieh Saripada. with offers of friendship and founded the City of Manila on May 19, 1571. (Zaide: 90) According to Kadil author of The Muslim Migration, notes that the Spaniards found a sizable Muslim community in Manila. They put the Muslim population at 80,000 inhabitants comprising men, women and children. Accordingly, the so-called intramuros is significant because the spot where Fort Santiago was built is an entry point leading to the Rajanate of Tondo. The Spaniards called the natives Moros, owing to their allegiance to Islam which ruled the Iberian peninsula for 700 years. Juan de Salcedo also attacked a Batangas cotta in Balayan using caracoas. Below is a quotation from Retana’s edition of “Sucesos delasislas Filipinas” by Antonio de Morga:
“When they landed in Manila, the soldiers of Legaspi found on the same site of the present Fort Santiago, key to the capital of Manila, a powerful Muslim principality under Rajah Aceh Matanda who reigned in company with a nephew Rajah Sulaiman.” He went on:
“Under the walls of this fort, a historical event, little appreciated but which influenced our conquest, took place. It was there for the first time since the conquest of Granada that the Spaniards once more stood face to face with the standards of the Prophet, both meeting after circling the globe from opposite directions. As was inevitable, they met at the walls under artillery fire” and they continued to do so in Jolo, fighting a battle that began on the borders of Guadalete. And if nothing should detract from that continuity, Legaspi called them Moros, a name they keep up to this time and which regardless of their having nothing in common with the Mauretanians, signified a community or religion shared with the Spanish Arabs.”
Between 1567 and up to the late 19th century saw many fierce ground and naval battles between the natives of Mindanao and Spain, the former using caracoas, joanggas and praus to attack and destroy Spanish garrisons in Luzon and Visayas. In the 17th century, Capitan Laut Boisan, father of Sultan Kudarat, and Rajah Sirongan took turns in invading Spanish settlements and garrisons in Luzon and Visayas with the end in view to liberate the natives from the cruel Bishopric of Manila. One such naval attack required the assistance of armies from Borneo, Sulu and Ranao numbering in their thousands aboard joanggas and praus to drive away Spaniards in Bicol and Visayas region. Watchtowers sprouted all over Luzon including Ilocos. Mindoro, Marinduque, Romblon, Masbate, Polillo islands were Moro naval bases until late in the 19th century with the introduction of Spanish iron ships.
1645 Kudarat-Lopez Peace Treaty, Samboangan (Zamboanga) This period was the Golden Age of Kudarat, according to historians. The Sultanate of Maguindanao has effective control over the whole of Kotawato (Cotabato), Ranao (Lanao), Sultanate of Davao, Misamis, Bukidnon and Sibugay (Zamboanga). It had the most extensive dominion ever held by a Maguindanao Sultan, a feat singularly reserved to Sultan Dipatuan Muhammad Kudarat, known in history as “the greatest Maguindanao Sultan of all time.” During his reign, he was able to collect tributes in Basilan, parts of the Visayas, and as far as the coast of Borneo. (Jubair :23) This peace treaty lasted for several decades until his death in 1675.
1751 Privateer System, by the Bishopric of Manila, using natives of Luzon and Visayas to fight the Sultanates of Mindanao & Sulu
1842 Wilkes-Mohammed Treaty by US Navy Comdr. Charles Wilkes and Sultan Mohamed of Soolo (Sulu) The US government was having trouble plying the Straits of Melaka because of pirate attacks. The first known US War on Terror took place around this period when US Navy gunboats attacked Qualla Bato in Malaysia, avenging the death of a US captain and several US sailors at the hands of Malay pirates.
1897 Execution of Ka Andres Bonifacio, leader of the Katipunero/Magdiwang and Katagalugan Nation on orders by Magdalo leader Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo.
1898 Treaty of Paris. Mindanao & Sulu was illegally annexed by the US colonial government as part of the US $20 million dollars paid to Spain for the Philippine islands.
1899 Signing of Bates-Kiram Peace Treaty by Gen. John C. Bates and Sultan JamalulKiram II of Sulu. This period coincides with the framing of Malolos Constitution, a perpetuation of Spanish colonial legacy, declaring a Free and Independent Republic of the Philippines, contrary to the Katagalugan doctrine of the Katipuneros which is purely democratic and agrarian in concept. Gen. Emilio Aquinaldo demanded the payment of damages to his troops in Marahui who died fighting the forces of Gov. Gen. Ramon Blanco in 1896. Emilio Aguinaldo never had a single follower in Ranao or any place in the Sultanates in Mindanao. (Dr. Mamitua Saber)
1900 Zamboanga was liberated by the combined armies of the Sultanates of Mindanao & Sulu. Partido Federalista was organized in Luzon and Visayas by Howard Taft and Gen. Arthur MacArthur.
1901 Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo surrendered to US colonial forces.
1902 First Moro-American War, Battle of Bayang (Padang Karbala). US Gen. William A. Kobbe estimated that the population of Mindanao was broken down as follows: Moros, 500,000, Indonesians, 250,000 and other Christianized natives, 250,000. This was the start of the 16-year Moro-American War, pitting US troops against Datu Ampuan a Gaus of Ranao, Datu Ali of Maguindanao and Panglima Hassan of Sulu.
1903 Moro Province was established with political jurisdiction separate and different from the apparatus governing the colonized Filipinos in Luzon and Visayas. Public Land Act No. 926, declaring all lands in Mindanao & Sulu as US colonial domain, was enforced.
1905 US Mining Law in Mindanao was enacted.
1907 US Cadastral Act was enacted, depriving the Mindanao natives of their ancestral domain.
1914 Abolition of the Moro Province and establishment of the Department of Mindanao and Sulu. “Whereas it is the desire of the Islands to promote the most rapid moral, social, and political development of the inhabitants of said Department in order to accomplish their complete unification with other inhabitants of other provinces of the Archipelago.”
1915 Kiram-Carpenter Agreement, ending the Moro-American War between the Sultanates and the United States colonial army. Hostilities between US troops and Moro fighters, led by Ampuan a Gaus, continue unabated in many parts of Ranao.
1917 Bureau of Non Christian Tribes
1919 Public Land Act No. 2874 effectively putting the Ancestral Domain of natives of Mindanao under US land laws, similar to Homestead Act that deprived American Indians of their homeland.
1920 Act No. 2878 formally abolishes the Department of Mindanao & Sulu.
1921 “Declaration of Rights and Purposes” addressed to US Pres. Warren Harding signed by Mindanao Datus, Panglimas and Sultans requesting that in the event of Philippine independence, Muslims (in Mindanao & Sulu) be kept under American rule.
1926 Bacon Bill was filed in US Congress by Cong. Robert Bacon, separating Mindanao & Sulu from Luzon and Visayas. Dansalan Declaration was initiated by Datus, religious leaders and Sultans asking the US government not to annex Mindanao & Sulu into the proposed Philippine Republic for it will result in “endless wars” between the Moros and the Filipinos.
1935 Establishment of the Philippine Commonwealth Republic, outlawing the titles of Sultans in Mindanao & Sulu, sponsored by Pres. Manuel L. Quezon.
1938 Quirino-Recto Colonization Act provides for the colonization of Mindanao & Sulu by Christian settlers from Luzon and Visayas through human settlements sponsored by the US and the Commonwealth Republic.1938 Sen. Pres. Quezon offered Mindanao as haven for European Jews fleeing NAZI persecution.
1939 Opening of Mindanao settlements through Lagao Settlement District under the National Land Settlement Administration by Gen. Paulino Santos in Dadiangas, a domain of the Sultanate of Buayaan..
1942 Japanese Imperial government headed by PM Hideki Tojo declared Mindanao and Sulu as Special Administrative Region, separate from Luzon and Visayas. (Hiripin Kyokai, 1942) Sec. Benigno Aquino Sr., Sen. Alauya Alonto chose to side with Pres. Jose P. Laurel under the Japanese administration.
1946 Philippines was declared independent by the United States. Pres. Manuel Roxas, architect of Ilonggo human settlements in Mindanao, was sworn in as president of the new republic. He died of massive heart attack, two years later, inside a US military base and was replaced by Vice President Elpidio Quirino.
1948 Kamlon Rebellion broke out in Sulu.
Origins of Mindanao Conflict
1955 Bandung Non Aligned Conference, recognizing Muslims in Mindanao & Sulu as part of the Islamic Ummah. The Non Aligned Conference in Indonesia hosted by Pres. Bong Sukarno, supported by Pres. Gamal Abdel Nasser, Pres. Josip Broz Tito, Jawahrlal Nehru of India took cognizance to the state-sponsored discrimination against the Muslim minority in Mindanao in terms of education, economic-enhancing infrastructure projects, government employment, etc.
The Conference took cognizance to the influx of government-sponsored Christian settlers in Mindanao, collected from different parts of Luzon and Visayas to change the demographic status of people of Mindanao, originally inhabited by Muslims (Maranao-Iranons, Maguindanaoans, Tausog, Yakan, Samal, Badjao, Kalagan, etc.) and Lumad (13 tribes).
First wave of Christian settlers, under the 1938 Quirino-Recto Colonization Act, came from the Huks of Luzon, convicts from Visayas and Luzon. Pres. Manuel Roxas sponsored the migration of thousands of Ilonggo settlers from Visayas to Mindanao. Pres. Magsaysay undertook the massive settlement programs in 1955 which saw the Muslim population in Dadiangas, now Gen. Paulino Santos City, reduced to minority in the south Cotabato region. That same year, Egyptian Pres. Gamal Abdel Nasser pledged to grant state scholarships to Moros through Sen. Domocao Alonto to educate Moros in the field of military science (Nasserist 15 – Wahab Alonto, Sharief, Basman, SangcopanMalawani, Al Kamlian, et al), medicine (Ali Mackno, Ali Busran et al), engineering (Pasayud Macarambon, etc.) and Islamic studies (Yusop Lucman, Shuaib Tumug, Hashim Salamat, Mahid Mutilan, Basher Idris, Omar Pasigan, Mochtar Abedin, etc.). Lanao was divided into two provinces in 1958 because of disparity in voting numbers. Christians always win in Lanao elections. In the interim, MSU, SPDA, CNI, LAC (Lumbatan), breeding stations, thousands of teachers and commissioned officers, Mindeco electric company (Congressmen Rashid Lucman, SalipadaPendatun, Salih Ututalum and Mohammed Ali Dimaporo) were granted by the government through due diligence and sustained representations by aggressive Muslim leaders in Congress. Kamlon Rebellion ended in Sulu after he peacefully surrendered to the Philippine Constabulary. This was followed by Tawan Tawan Rebellion in Lanao.
1967 – Jabidah Massacre. Sen. Benigno Ninoy Aquino, Cavite Gov. Justiniano Montano, Cong. Salipada Pendatun and Cong. Rashid Lucman, exposed Marcos conspiracy to create chaos in Sabah. 60+ Muslim trainees were executed by their AFP trainors headed by Col. Abdul Latif Martelino. One of the Muslim trainees Jibin Arula survived. Ninoy Aquino exhorted the Bangsa Moro people to take up arms against Marcos in a Marawi City mass rally.
1968 Malaysian PM Tunku Abdel Rahman met with Cong. Rashid Lucman to recruit young Moro youths from major clans to train in guerilla warfare and counter-insurgency in Malaysia. Training of 92 young Muslims from Mindanao, included Nur Misuari, Abulkhayr Alonto, Dimas Pundato, Jamil Lucman, Duma Sani, Otto Salahuddin, Ronnie Malaguiok and others, from Mindanao & Sulu. Union of Islamic Forces and Organization and later Bangsa Moro Liberation Organization was organized as an umbrella organization of all Islamic movements, including Ansar el Islam, Muslim Association of the Philippines, and political clans (Loongs, Kalingalan, Ampatuans, Midtimbangs, Annis, Sinsuats, Biruars, Masturas, Mangudadatus, Matalams, Abubacars, Kamlians, Yassins, etc.), the 19 Royal Houses of Mindanao & Sulu, Ansar el Islam, Lawyer’s League, Muslim Association of the Philippines, Green Guards, Lam Alif, Bangsa Bai, Lawyer’s League, etc. to advance the cause of Bangsa Moro freedom and autonomy in line with the national opposition under the Liberal Party.
1969 – Battle of Wao led by Malay-trained commanders. Bamer Sharif, the first Moro martyr, was killed in the battle.
Gov. Udtog Matalam declared the formation of the Mindanao Independence Movement. Battles between Blackshirts and AFP erupted in Buldon. Mayor Bangon Aratuc of Buldon denied maintaining an army of Blackshirts.
1970 – BMLO and Bangsa Moro Army trained 30,000+ young Moros in guerilla warfare. Nur Misuari proposed the formation of MNLF but was rebuffed by the elders and organizers of the Bangsa Moro Army-Blackshirts Constitutional Convention approved a proposal by Delegates Raul Manglapus and Michael Mastura to grant autonomy to the Muslim regions in Mindanao.
1972 – Sultan Rashid Lucman bought 2,000 rifles from Fabrique Nationale in Belgium. It was consigned to Saudi Arabia under King Faisal, a friend of Sultan Lucman. Martial Law was declared by Marcos. Salih Bouyasir, emissary of Pres. Khadaffy to the leaders of the Bangsa Moro revolution was killed in a plane crash in Sinai. A Letter of Instruction by Pres. Khadaffy addressed to Cong. Rashid Lucman never reached the congressman. It was kept by Nur Misuari and the amount needed to jumpstart the guerilla war.
1973 Martial Law was declared in the Philippines. Nur Misuari fled to Malaysia. Moro National Liberation Front was organized by Chairman Nur Misuari, Sabah State Minister Tun Mustapha with the assistance of Libyan Foreign Minister Aly Trekky. Major political clans, Moro professionals and Islamic movements withdrew support to the Bangsamoro revolution. Nur Misuari, backed by Minister Tun Mustapha of Sabah and FM Aly Trekky, announced the establishment of the Moro National Liberation Front against the wishes of the Old Guard, political clans, Royal Houses and Islamic movements. Tun Mustapha, a Tausog, envisioned a Republic consisting of Mindanao, Sulu, Palawan and Sabah. It was rejected by the political clans of Mindanao and Sulu. Tun Mustapha seized the Belgian rifles and money said to be in the amount of $2 million US dollars intended for BMLO Blackshirts and distributed it among the MNLF commanders headed by Chairman Misuari. The movement suffered a fatal setback. Nur Misuari was expelled from Malaysia. Tun Mustapha reconciled with the Malaysian government. Sultan Rashid Lucman went on exile in Saudi Arabia, followed by Cong. Salipada Pendatun, Atty. Macapantun Abbas Jr. and other leaders in Mindanao and Sulu. Other leaders rejoined the government, denouncing Nur Misuari as betrayer of the unity of the Bangsa Moro revolution.
1976 – Ustadj Salamat Hashim broke away from MNLF accusing Misuari of communist leanings, corruption and source of disunity among Bangsa Moro forces.
1977 – MILF was organized in Makkah. Dimas Pundato, vice chairman of the MNLF based in Sandakan (Sabah) broke away from Nur Misuari’s MNLF. Pundato formed the MNLF-Reformist Group.
1981 Ninoy Aquino met King Khaled of Saudi Arabia, the latter pledging full support to Ninoy quest to solve the Muslim problem in Mindanao. Oil embargo against the Philippine government was discussed in the meeting. Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz, Dr. Saleh Jamjoom and Dr. Omar Abdullah Naseef also pledged support. The meeting was closely monitored by the US and Philippine governments.
1982 Karachi Accord for Bangsa Moro Unity in accordance with the demands of the OIC, Dr. Inamullah Khan of Muslim World Leaque and Saudi Foreign Min. Prince Saud Al Faisal. Nur Misuari rejected the Covenant of Unity among Bangsa Moro groups represented by Sultan Rashid Lucman, Cong. Salipada Pendatun, Sen. Domocao Alonto, Justice Mama Busran, Atty. Dimapuno Datu Ramos, Atty. Saidamen Pangarungan, Dr. Yusop Lucman et al.
1983 Benigno Ninoy Aquino Jr. was assassinated at the Manila International Airport
1984 Sultan Rashid Lucman died in Riyadh
1985 – Norodin Lucman re-organized the BMLO-BMA Blackshirts in preparation for the anticipated civil war in Manila as a result of Ninoy Aquino’s assassination. Noor Lucman was chosen as Chief Coordinator of Bangsa Moro Coordinating Command composed of top commanders of the BMLO, MILF and MNLF. Nur Misuari did not join the command, citing differences with the Aquinos, according to MNLF Comdr. Hamza and Narra Jalil. Gen. Salipada Pendatun died in a car accident in Quezon City.
1986 – Pres. Ferdinand Marcos was overthrown by People’s Power at Edsa. Nur Misuari was resurrected through Butz Aquino and Aquilino Pimentel, at the behest of the OIC and the Libyan government.
1987 MILF denounced the Cory Aquino government, destroyed Napocor lines in Lanao and Maguindanao provinces.
1989 – BMLO reconciled with the government when ARMM was created by Pres. Cory Aquino. Noor Lucman was delisted in the Order of Battle as enemy of the state. BMLO handed 1,200 + firearms and explosives as a gesture of reconciliation with the Philippine government represented by SND Fidel V Ramos at a solemn ceremony witnessed by more than three thousand members of the BMLO Blackshirts.
1996 – GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement, Nur Misuari was elected ARMM Governor.
1999 Pres. Estrada declared All out War against the MILF. Estrada was overthrown by Edsa II. Noor Lucman met with MILF Chairman Salamat Hashim and proposed that before MILF will agree to a general ceasefire, 1) Peace Talks should be held outside the jurisdiction of the Philippine government preferably Jeddah, the seat of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC), 2) That a Third Party component be allowed to mediate in the Peace Talks, and 3) Call for a UN-sponsored Referendum in Mindanao and Sulu. Chairman Salamat agreed to transmit the proposal to the MILF Central Committee. I announced this Three-Point proposal at a mass rally in Marawi City, sponsored by Lacs Dalidig of IMERGG, Saksi IRF and Islamic civil society organizations on April, 1999. Malaysia was tasked by the OIC to act as mediator and Kuala Lumpur was chosen as the venue for the Peace Talks. Consequently, Pres. Joseph Estrada rejected the proposal and went on to carry out his army offensives in Central Mindanao, leading to the army occupation of Camps Abubacar, Bushra and Radiamoda. The MILF counter-attacked by resorting to a Mindanao-wide guerilla war against Pres. Joseph Estrada.
2000 Pres. Joseph Estrada was overthrown by People Power II in Edsa. Noor Lucman was cited along with Gov. Chavit Singson, Sen. Teofisto Guingona and others in Club Filipino (Greenhills) as one of the Catalysts of Edsa II. This gathering was organized by People’s Consultative Assembly and 82 other civil society groups nationwide.
2002 – Pres. Arroyo attacked Buliok Complex, at the behest of AFP Chief of Staff Gen. Angelo Reyes. MNLF Chairman Nur Misuari was jailed for subversion and corruption.
2008 – MOA AD was deemed unconstitutional by the Supreme Court on the basis of petitions filed by Mar Roxas, Sen. Frank Drilon, Cong. Celso Lobregat, Cong. Manny Pinol and Mayor Lorenz Cruz. MILF commanders Umbra Kato, Alim Pangalian and Bravo attacked military camps in Central Mindanao.
2010 – Pres. Benigno Noynoy Aquino was proclaimed president, pledging peace in Mindanao and stamping corruption in the government, including ARMM. Aquino called for reform in ARMM.
2013 November – Bangsamoro Basic Law written by Noor Lucman was approved as a road map for peace in Mindanao & Sulu. The Basic Law is to strengthen the structures of the regional autonomy and maximize the potential for peace in Mindanao & Sulu through peaceful negotiations and in accordance with the flexibilities of the Constitution inherent in the RA 9054 and the Organic Act (RA 6734) establishing the autonomous government in Muslim Mindanao. Framework Agreement and the Annexes on Transitional Arrangements and Modalities, Revenue Generation and Wealth Sharing, and Power Sharing) will eventually find its way into the provisions of the Bangsamoro Basic Law. “Executive Order No. 120, series of 2012, created the Transition Commission which is tasked to conduct consultations with experts and stakeholders to aid them in coming up with actual provisions for the draft of Bangsamoro Basic Law.” (OPAPP, PDI 8/1/14) This Covenant is the last leg of the 16-year negotiations culminating in the 2012 Framework Agreement on Bangsamoro. It is erasing the past that sustained a historical anomaly in Mindanao & Sulu since 1645.
Framework Agreement on Bangsamoro
The Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro or FAB and the 4 Annexes use the word Bangsamoro in three levels: Bangsamoro as Identity; Bangsamoro as Territory; and Bangsamoro as Government. In all three levels, Bangsamoro is NOT merely historical or cultural concept; it is a political construct, first and foremost. The 4 Annexes are actual negotiations of powers and wealth sharing and territory. The word Bangsamoro in all three levels is a paramount political construct, because IDENTITY matters. It is an important issue that must not be taken lightly. This new political construct would define and shape the Bangsamoro identity, territory and government. It would have consequences to the existing other political constructs like Muslim Mindanao, Indigenous Peoples and ‘Christian Settlers’ in Mindanao. FAB defines ‘Bangsamoro’ as “those who at the time of conquest and colonization were considered natives or original inhabitants of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago and its adjacent islands including Palawan, and their descendants whether of mixed or of full blood shall have the right to identify themselves as Bangsamoro by ascription or self-ascription”. Then it goes further to recognize the spouses… To wit: “Spouses and their descendants are classified as Bangsamoro”.
The word Bangsamoro as defined in the FAB and the Annexes point to an Identity that is ‘Exclusive’ to the natives and original inhabitants, their spouses and their descendants no matter whether they are mixed or pure blood. The IP’s are classified as Bangsamoro, the Christian Settlers and their descendants, however, are excluded unless they are of ‘mixed blood’ or ‘spouses’ of a Bangsamoro.
Fr. Jun Mercado, OMI
2014 Speaker Abul Khayr Alonto, one of the founding members of the MNLF, replaced Nur Misuari as Chairman of the Moro National Liberation Front, declaring support to the current peace process between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front.
Pres. Benigno Noynoy Aquino III and MILF Chairman Murad Ibrahim signed the Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro witnessed by Malaysian PM Najib Razak, representatives of the governments of the United States, Sweden, Norway, Japan, Turkey, Germany and the member-states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.
The society thus organized Must live under laws That would guide their everyday life, Based on principles of righteousness and fair dealing. (2:168)
|Lessons from the Marcos’ Dictatorship: 1972-1986|
A Boholano’s View by Jose “Pepe” Abueva
The Bohol Chronicle
September 23, 2012
40th anniversary of martial law. This week, September 21 and 23, we recall the declaration of martial law by President Ferdinand Marcos 40 years ago in 1972. The declaration marked the start of his authoritarian regime that lasted more than 13 years until Marcos was deposed in February 1986 in the EDSA “people power” revolt that drove the dictator and his family to exile in Hawaii with the help of the U.S. government that had supported him for 20 years. This enabled Corazon Aquino to succeed as President and restore our democracy under the 1987 Constitution.
It is important and necessary to recall what happened during the Marcos dictatorship so as not repeat them. As a people we tend easily to forget and forgive the abuses and injustices of the past, and not learn from them. Two generations of Filipinos know little or nothing about what happened from 1972 to 1986, so we have to remind them.
Marcos proclaimed martial law purportedly “to protect the Republic of the Philippines and our democracy” that were “imperiled by the danger of a violent overthrow, insurrection and rebellion” and “criminality and lawlessness…[and] anarchy” that had paralyzed the functions of the national and local governments.” (Proclamation No. 1081) He also said that he wanted to reform our society, to build the “New Society.”
Destroyed democracy and plundered our wealth. In fact, by imposing martial law and one-man rule, Marcos destroyed our democratic institutions of constitutional governance and the rule of law established for the public welfare and the common good — Congress, the judiciary, the free press and media, and the citizens’ political rights and civil liberties. He then indulged his unbridled dual passion for unlimited power and wealth. The imperiled state of the nation that he depicted rationalized his inner motives and overt actions.
As unraveled by Senator Jovito Salonga and the PCGG, Marcos’ schemes and techniques of presidential plunder included creating monopolies in vital industries and placing them in the control of his cronies; awarding huge behest loans to his favorites; outright takeover of public or private enterprises for a minimal payment; direct raiding of the public treasury and government financial institutions; issuance of presidential decrees to enable his cronies to amass wealth for his joint benefit; kickbacks and commissions from businesses dealing with the government; use of shell corporations and dummy companies to launder money and invest them; skimming of foreign aid and other forms of assistance; and depositing money with the use of pseudonyms and numbered accounts in domestic and foreign banks to conceal its real ownership.
Other outcomes of the Marcos dictatorship. The cumulative outcome and costs of the Marcos dictatorship that added over 13 years to his seven years as a constitutional president are incalculable. However enormous, his plunder of the nation’s wealth is only one of the consequences of his evil rule. During his two decades in power the Philippines fell far behind several neighboring countries in East and Southeast Asia in the pursuit of development, and became “the basket case” in the region. Democracy was destroyed, the economy was in ruins, and the culture of corruption, violence and cynicism aggravated.
The military was politicized and corrupted. Consequently, thousands of Filipinos were killed, imprisoned, tortured, displaced from their homes and communities, or simply disappeared without a trace. Also with impunity, women were raped and degraded by the military, police, and other criminal elements. The Communist rebellion spread almost nationwide from just parts of Luzon. And secessionist Moro rebels fought the government in Mindanao. In the garrison state and its war zones human rights were thus regularly violated by the combatants on all sides of the conflict. Marcos’ promise of a Bagong Lipunan (“New Society”) of peace and development with freedom and equity could never happen.
In addition to the suffering and misery of so many, the nation lost a lot of time, priceless years, ultimately its scarcest, irretrievable resource. The hopes for the future of innumerable young men and women were crushed forever. The careers of some of the finest political leaders were aborted, while a number of unworthy politicians flourished as minions of the dictator and unrepentant officials and loyalists in the post-EDSA era.
By usurping governmental powers and abusing them, Marcos betrayed his public trust to defend the Constitution of the Republic. In fact, to reiterate, he destroyed the Republic of the Philippines as a representative democracy and replaced it with his dictatorial regime. This was backed by the military, his personal Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (New Society Party), and a pseudo, rubber-stamp national assembly (Interim Batasang Pambansa, then Batasang Pambansa). In a word, Marcos betrayed our country and the nation gravely suffered.
Defying this manifest historical truth, his family wants him to be buried as a national hero in the Libingan ng mga Bayam. And his loyal partisans support the idea.
The nation’s challenges. As long as Filipinos as a nation, and especially their highest leaders, avoid resolving public issues in favor of basic moral principles, the long term national interest and the common good, and get away with it, no clear national standards of right and wrong can and will be established, consistently enforced and prevail.
This is evident in regard to the issues of loyalty to the nation and collaboration with the enemy, whether Filipino or foreign; graft and corruption vs. honesty and integrity in public office; the inviolability of human rights and their violation and abuse by officials and functionaries; public accountability and non-accountability of government officials; civilian supremacy over the military; mutual accommodation, protection among members of the political elite; Charter change, and so on.
Without public discernment and virtue in these aspects that would epitomize the community’s high-minded sense of right and wrong, the Filipino nation cannot command honor, self-respect and credibility among its own citizens, much less in the international community.
For this, Filipino leaders are much more to blame than the citizens, for it is the challenge and responsibility of leaders to lead and uplift the people toward the national vision in our 1987 Constitution: to “build a just and humane society” and “a democracy under the rule of law and a regime of truth, justice, freedom, love, equality, and peace….”
Failure of Filipino political leadership is one of the best explanations for the country’s persistent problems of poverty, injustice, ineffective governance, and corruption — and its continuing underdevelopment, when compared to other countries since the end of World War II.
What to do. This is why our people must learn continually from study and reflection on our recent history and national development, from the research and discoveries of our scholars; from the teaching and guidance of our religious and lay leaders; and by our involvement in the work of our various organizations in civil society.
Manny V. Pangilinan, the highly respected business leader said, in breaking his ties with his alma mater, the Ateneo de Manila University: “Failure to manage one’s affairs, such as weak institutions, failed regulatory agencies, corrupt enforcements, do not mean a particularly business is per se evil…. It is …Filipino frailty…. Indeed, the Filipino’s failure to manage well is shown in almost all facets of our lives—poor airports, poor sewerage , unclean air, mediocre economic growth. The list is long. Our preponderant task as a people is simply to do better, to strive for excellence.” (Philippine Daily Inquirer, Sept. 22, 2012)
We should learn from the example of more advanced and progressive nations. Our political leaders should not mistake their power for the needed knowledge and wisdom to make decisions affecting the nation. Much of that knowledge and wisdom can come from the people’s practical experience and insights, and from their various roles, specialization and professional expertise. Good governance in a democracy requires the involvement and enlightened participation of all citizens, as much as the skills and probity of the leaders.
We should remember the deeds and wisdom of our earlier and more recent heroes and martyrs. For example, more than a hundred contemporary heroes and martyrs are memorialized in the Bantayog ng mga Bayani (Heroes’ Memorial) for resisting the tyranny and corruption of Marcos and his authoritarian regime. Books have been written on the Marcos years.
We should raise our standards of political leadership and citizen participation in governance, as the Kilosbayan (People’s Action) seeks to do, and foster the pursuit of justice and the protection of our human rights as the Bantay Katarungan (Justice Watch) aims for. It is no accident that these three organizations in civil society are the initiatives of Jovito R. Salonga. He started Bantayog shortly after the EDSA Revolution in 1986, Kilosbayan after retiring from the government in 1992, and Bantay in 2000.
Again, I never cease to remind ourselves that we need to reform our basic political institutions and this requires Charter Change.
Finally, in thinking of our challenges and responsibilities as citizens and leaders, we might ponder these few words of two sages from the civilizations of India and China: “Earth provides enough to satisfy every man’s need, but earth cannot provide enough for every man’s greed.” — Mahatma Gandhi. “Men should beware of coveting riches, for when riches come due to covetousness, heaven’s calamities follow. — Chinese proverb.
And these words of Jesus Christ as he called on the people and his disciples to “take up your cross: “What good is it to gain the whole world but destroy yourself? There is nothing you can give to recover your life. [For what shall it profit a man, if he gains the whole world, and lose his own soul?]- Mark 8:36-37.
By Hernan S. Melencio
(philippinehistory.ph publishes this article in memory of the Samareños who died during the Balangiga Encounter in September 1901)
An old wooden house sits at a street corner like an aging man silently waiting the passing of time and helplessly watching his remaining strength slip from grip. The shutterless windows of the upper floor, the falling doors below, the dilapidated walls that are barely clinging to its sides indicate the absence of human habitation, or the complete surrender of whoever lives there to the ravages of time, much like the relatives of a poor cancer patient staring at each other in indecision, wishing for somebody to pull the plug.
It is a cold September day in 2009 and the late afternoon sun casts a long shadow through a gray sky. Judging from the painted concrete houses in the neighborhood, the street is in a middle class community. It is empty of kids and people doing errands at this particular time. You can tell by the materials used and the corner where it stands that the house, despite its present squalid condition, was once owned by a person of modest wealth. Such house in the early 1900s could have been painted in bright colors and sported windows of wood and capiz shells. You could see such old houses in various places and in various stages of degradation.
It could just be any house in any town in any province in the Philippines. But this one is not just any house. It’s the house of Valeriano Abanador of Balangiga town in Eastern Samar.
Yes, Balangiga. The “howling wilderness” and the home of the famous church bells the Americans took as war booty during the Filipino-American War of 1899-1902.
This photo was taken the same month 108 years ago in 1901 when Valeriano Abanador, the police chief of Balangiga, led a surprise attack on 74 American soldiers, killing 48 of them. Of the 26 who survived, only four came out without severe wounds. Many of the Americans were veterans of the Boxer rebellion in China and the officers were graduates of West Point. So imagine the humiliation the American occupiers felt after the defeat, which the US press described as “terrible.”
At this time, Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo had already sworn his allegiance to the United States following his capture in March 1901. This act supposedly ended the war with the Americans but many Katipunan members refused to surrender and continued the revolution; among them Gen. Vicente Lukban of Samar and Leyte. However, Lukban had nothing to do with the Balangiga attack as it was an independent plot by the residents of the town pissed off by the presence of abusive Americans.
The following month after the Balangiga attack, the Americans retaliated in what would go down in history as – you guessed it – the “Balangiga Massacre.” In October 1901, a red-faced and irate US general named Jacob Smith ordered his men to turn Samar into “a howling wilderness” and kill everyone over ten years old. Of course, the rebels had already fled into the mountains, leaving only the civilians in the area.
General “Howling Jake” Smith’s order went thus: “I want no prisoners. I wish you to kill and burn; the more you kill and burn, the better it will please me… The interior of Samar must be made a howling wilderness.” – Wikipedia, downloaded 20 June 2013, 1:57 pm, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balangiga_massacre
Nobody knows the exact number of people killed in the massacre; an American researcher says 2,500 Filipino males were killed (not accounting for women and children) but Filipino historians put the death toll at 50,000 men, women and children. Animals, like carabaos and chickens, were not spared during the American rampage.
Of course, for the Americans, Balangiga massacre was the slaughter of their own soldiers who were having breakfast by “Balangigaons” in the morning of September 28, 1901. Filipino historians, however, call this the “Balangiga incident” as the real massacre happened after this.
The Balangiga incident was an act against the atrocities committed by the American occupiers on Filipinos, like forced labor, detention, seizure of food supply and molestation of women. The night before the incident, according to historians, a funeral procession was held by women carrying a number of small coffins. An American sentry was said to have become suspicious and opened the first coffin. Finding a dead baby and hearing the women crying “cholera,” he immediately closed the coffin, let the women go and watched them enter the church.
It turned out the “women” were men in disguise. Had the soldier inspected the rest of the coffins he would have found guns and bolos inside.
“About 500 in seven attack units would take part. They represented virtually all families of Balangiga, whose outlying villages then included the present towns of Lawaan and Giporlos, and of Quinapundan, a town served by the priest in Balangiga,” wrote Prof. Rolando O. Borrinaga. – Dumimdin, Arnaldo (2006) Philippine-American War, 1899-1902, http://philippineamericanwar.webs.com/balangigamassacre1901.htm
They made women and children leave the town after midnight before the attack for safety, according to Borrinaga. A US soldier noticed the strange activity and reported it to his superiors but he was ignored.
The church bells rang to signal the attack (which may explain the US soldiers’ desire to later take the bells as war trophies).
News of the Filipinos’ “savagery” reached the US, prompting President Theodore Roosevelt to order his generals to adopt the “most stern measures to pacify Samar.” US newspaper editors called the Balangiga incident the biggest defeat suffered by the US army since the Battle of the Little Big Horn, also known as Custer’s Last Stand, in 1876.
Abanador, the leader of the Balangiga attack, survived Smith’s “kill-and-burn” Samar campaign and died of old age in late 1950s.
The house in the photo must have been built shortly after General Lukban’s surrender to the Americans in 1902, paving the way for the leaders of the conflict to surface. A statue of Abanador now stands at the municipal plaza of Balangiga. The town mayor had said there were plans to renovate Abanador’s house and turn it into a museum.
The Commission on Elections (Comelec) transferred the 7,038 votes of Alvin John Tañada, a disqualified candidate, to Lawyer Toby Tañada and directed the Provincial Board of Canvassers to convene and proclaim him the rightful winner.
In the proceedings,Toby Tañada initiated in the Comelec to cancel the Certificate of Candidacy of Alvin John due to his failure to meet the residency requirement, pleadings and sworn statements attempting to establish that Alvin John Tañada is a long-time resident of Gumaca were filed before the Comelec. These documents were ‘notarized’ by an Atty. Celso O. Escobido.
“It turns out that Atty. Escobido is a partner of the law firm representing Angelina Tan, the Escobido and Pulgar Law Office. What’s even more appalling is that he was not a commissioned notary public at the time he supposedly notarized the said documents,” said Atty. Toby Tañada.
“In their desperation, they didn’t even bother covering their tracks. The falsification of verified pleadings and sworn statements by making them appear that they were duly notarized, was clearly intended to benefit his client, Angelina Tan,” he added.
Tañada further stated that “because Atty. Escobido wanted to ensure the victory of his client at all costs, he resorted to deliberately misleading the Comelec into believing that Alvin John was a long-time resident of my hometown, Gumaca, Quezon, and that he was qualified to run for Congress in our district.”
This eventually led to Alvin John Tañada’s name to appear in the official ballot, thus, “causing confusion among the electorate.”
“It is unfortunate that Atty. Escobido would go to such lengths to thwart the will of the electorate. Aside from violating the law on Notarial Practice and aside from blatantly exhibiting disrespect towards the Comelec, what makes his illegal acts utterly abhorrent is that he assaulted our democratic processes with the plot to deceive the voters of the 4th District of Quezon. It is an understatement to say that lawyers are expected to respect and obey the laws of the land. What Atty. Escobido did for his client was far from the duties ascribed to those in the legal profession,” said Tañada.
Tañada today filed disbarment proceedings with the Commission on Bar Discipline of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines. He also said that criminal and administrative complaints are likewise being prepared.
(For 2013 Mother’s Day celebration, http://philippinehistory.ph opts to honor the mothers of Martial Law heroes and martyrs. These mothers had helped us survive Martial Law period that goes down as one of the darkest sagas in the country’s history.)
The fruit does not fall far from the tree. Martial Law heroes and martyrs have mothers whose political beliefs and personalities may differ from their children but whose virtues and guidance have made them to be the upright and principled Filipino citizens they ought to be.
Commission on Human Rights (CHR) Chairperson Loretta Ann Pargas Rosales, endearingly called Etta in the education and human rights communities, got her feisty personality from her mother Angelita Peredo. Married to Navy Commodore Rafael Pargas, she raised her children by herself as an insurance sales person when she was widowed.
Twice incarcerated in 1972 and 1976, Etta’s harrowing experience of torture and abuse in military safehouses before being brought to Camp Crame was halted when her mother summoned heaven and earth to save her daughter. Her being married to a military intelligence officer had somehow helped. Etta’s whereabouts were traced; she was saved in the nick of time.
Her mother’s courage and resourcefulness were put to test once again when Etta’s younger sister Maria Cristina Pargas Bawagan, also a teacher, was imprisoned in 1981. Demure and soft-spoken Tina was finally released after her mother’s knocking on doors of military officials, one is an uncle who was with the National Intelligence Security Authority.
She had connections she can seek help for her daughters’ welfare. She was able to have a direct line with then General Fidel Ramos. Ramos was once again asked for help for the release of Tina’s would-be husband Ishmael Quimpo Jr. Exasperated, the General asked the mother: “Who is it this time?”
Freed at last from Camp Olivas in Pampanga after one month in captivity, Tina’s ecstatic mother, with Etta’s two high school daughters in tow, drove her back to the camp to get her clothes and things back. Only to find out a great surprise of her life: Tina will be imprisoned again! Camp Commander Vicente Eduardo cited then President Ferdinand Marcos’ signed Presidential Order of Commitment that binds political prisoners to indefinite detention.
Hell hath fury like a mother scorned. Etta’s and Tina’s mother told the Camp Commander: “No, I will not leave my daughter until she is released!” Tina remembers that their mother had been arguing with the military official endlessly for almost the whole day. Etta’s daughters also stood by their aunt’s side holding both of her hands tightly.
Commander Eduardo must have pitied the sight of Tina and her nieces seated on a sofa holding on to each other and their mother’s bravado who finally warned: “Don’t let me call the President. I have a direct hotline to Marcos.”
Tina was released again the same day. On their way home, Tina asked her mother: “Ma, do you really have a hotline to Marcos?” To which her mother replied: “Nah, that was only a bluff.”
The mother had been leading the Catholic Women’s League in political rallies that call for the ouster of Marcos eventually. It was not only the call of the times. She is a mother imbuing the virtues of courage, tenacity and patriotism.
Tina describes their mother as a woman who laughed loudly and who danced gracefully. “She loved the tango,” Tina recalls her mother’s last few years spending her time with the family. She died at 81 years old.
(More stories about mothers of Martial Law heroes and martyrs coming up.)-Gloria Esguerra Melencio
By Gloria Esguerra Melencio
My father’s penchant for corned beef, cheese and the television series Combat can be traced to his experiences while growing up as a boy at the time Manila was liberated from Japanese Occupation in March 1945.
Opening a can of corned beef without using an opener was so easy for him; same with slicing cheese thinly as he drunk his bottle of beer while watching Combat. It was a television series in the 70s with spiels that opened like this: “(Music) Combat! Starring Vic Morrow, Ric Jason…,” with exploding grenades, hand-to-hand combat of helmeted and wounded American soldiers who always won against their enemies in the end.
For a sheltered boy who wanted to survive with his other orphaned siblings, Tatay scoured the then devastated Intramuros for food amid “dog fights” of warring US and Japanese airplanes. He barely survived a bomb explosion that uprooted trees in front of Manila Cathedral and buried my father under thick layers of soil. If not for the compassion of some men who dug the ground with their bare hands and pulled him up, I will not be able to write his story now.
Making Intramuros and Fort Santiago their last stronghold, the Japanese made the men and boys like my father carry their bullets and ammunition to their armory in exchange for food. After too much bloodshed that killed more than a 100,000 Filipinos, the Japanese later surrendered with some of its officers committing suicide or hara-kiri rather than face defeat.
General Douglas McArthur’s famous “I shall return” promise bolstered the US forces attacking Manila as they inched their way to the cornered Japanese who, in retaliation, made hostage thousands of Filipinos in the end.
Down town, Shirley Licdan-Gegabalen, 77, my father’s cousin, recalled it had been pitch dark in the evenings in Bambang while people ply their wares of “genuine” clothes (the ukay-ukay version of today) and imported cigarettes with “blue seals” at daylight. Tatay had learned to smoke cigarette at 10 to ease the hunger pangs.
“Peace time” came with the US promise of 800 million dollars of rehabilitation money. Being small amid towering Americans and adult Filipinos, Tatay had queued for hours for a trickle of said amount. He cannot remember how much; it was plenty for a boy who had not seen crisp paper bills in his life. A stranger in white suit offered him his hat where he excitedly put all the money in – plenty to buy food for a few months and send himself and his siblings back to school for a year.
Along with rehabilitation came chocolates, candies, corned beef, cheese, milk, Marilyn Monroe and everything American. Devastated Manila had been trying to rise. Commercial establishments, schools, churches and residential houses were repaired or rebuilt. America’s image of benevolence and knight-in-shining armor had to be restored.
My grandmother’s sister, Florentina Lagasca, was adjudged Miss Camay in Manila. Her other sister, Narcisa, had put up Golden Hands Fashion School that schooled future fashion designers, dressmakers and tailors in the rising city.
In a span of 68 years after the battle that history books called Battle of Manila in 1945 to differentiate it from the Mock Battle of Manila in 1898, Tatay had been ambivalent. He had never voted in his lifetime, fought tooth-and-nail to send us his seven children to school and became a union president in a telecommunications company that closed shop during a strike.
He had high hopes that his children’s and grandchildren’s life will be better.
The Bohol Chronicle
17 March 2013
Filipino Democracy is an Oligarchy. It is the rule of very rich families, many of whom are known as “political dynasties.” Many, but not all, political or family dynasties are known to abuse their power and authority to protect their political dominance amid widespread poverty, landlessness, homelessness, unemployment, and injustice. Consequently, a large proportion of our insecure citizens continue to be dependents on their wealthy and powerful political patrons in our patron-client democracy. They are un-empowered citizens of a democratizing polity.
Realizing this, the 1987 Constitution provides: “The State shall guarantee equal opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be provided by law. Twenty-six years after the adoption of the Constitution, Congress has not passed a law to implement the constitutional guarantee. If the framers of the Constitution had been serious and discerning, they would have defined what they meant by “political dynasties.” They should not have left it to the legislators to do so.
Many legislators belong to “political dynasties,” commonly understood as “political families” whose members occupy various elected positions in their communities, or in Congress. They enjoy a virtual monopoly of political power vis-à-vis their rivals where wealth is very unevenly shared and our oligarchy has too much control of our resources. “Despite wide-ranging reforms since 1981, big chunks of the market remain effective oligopolies or cartels,” according to a paper of the Philippine Institute for Development Studies.
According to Louie Montemayor, political scientist at De LaSalle University, “little has been done at the top to impact on the dominance of the elite. “There’s some sense to the argument that we’ve never had a real democracy because only a few have controlled economic power. The country dances to the tune of the tiny elite.”
As the economist Cielito Habito explained: “the growth in the aggregate wealth of our 40 richest families in 2011, which Forbes Asia reported to have risen by $13 billion in 2010-2011—was equivalent (in value) to 76.5 percent of the growth in our total GDP at the time, which official data show to have risen nominally then by P732 billion, or around $17 billion. I found that this ratio was only 33.7 percent in Thailand, 5.6 percent in Malaysia, and 2.8 percent in Japan—suggesting that our income inequality is much worse than in our neighbors. Relative to rise in total incomes, the wealth gain of our billionaires that year dwarfed those in our neighbors…, suggesting much more skewed distribution in our country. xxx The clear imperative is to pursue more inclusive growth. (Philippine Daily Inquirer, March 11, 2013)
How are we, Filipinos, to achieve “inclusive growth”? Dr. Habito explains: “In a democratic society, then, pursuing inclusive growth is not about redistributing wealth and income to equalize it; rather, it’s about providing genuinely equal opportunities for all. xxx This entails ensuring quality education and health services for all; correcting historically lopsided access to land and natural assets; equitable access to credit by small and large borrowers alike; a justice system that is blind to people’s social and economic status; and a competition policy that levels the playing field for big and small enterprises so that the latter can thrive along with the former. In other words, it calls for correcting our social, political and institutional flaws, in all their obviousand subtle forms, that perpetuate unequal access to economic and political power.”
Analysts say it is helpful that the government is spending more than P40 billion on its conditional transfer program to the poorest people, in exchange for their children going to school and getting proper health care. The analysts say that “the most direct path out of poverty is improving workers’ skills, using higher tax revenues to boost spending on infrastructure, and rebuilding the country’s manufacturing sector.” So they endorse the cash transfer program and K plus 12 educational reform of President Aquino.
We have an “Unconsolidated Democracy.” From theend of World War II in 1945 and our independence in 1946 through the 1960s, when our population was around 50 million, we made progress as a democratic and developing nation. But our youth, especially, should be reminded that in September 1972 President Ferdinand Marcos, the only Filipino president to be reelected since independence, became a dictator and molded the 1973 Constitution to serve his perverse personal agenda.
By destroying our fledgling democratic institutions, he was able to extend his powers as an authoritarian president from the maximum of eight years to over 20 years, until he was overthrown by the people at the EDSA Revolt in February 1986. Meanwhile, he had plundered the government and the economy, enriched his family and cronies, reversed our economic development, corrupted politics and society, and politicized the military as his partner in power. Our democratization suffered a traumatic reversal.
But through patriotic resistance by many militants and committed leaders, by Ninoy Aquino’s long imprisonment and martyrdom, by Corazon Aquino’s heroic challenge to Marcos in the 1986 “snap elections,” by the militancy of the underground press, and by the spontaneous, spirited “people power” revolt at EDSA, we finally ended the Marcos regime and “restored our democracy” in February 1986 and under the 1987 Constitution.
However, under President Cory Aquino and her successors, the old oligarchy and traditional politicians, including those who had collaborated with Marcos, quickly recovered their power. Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. is a senator, Mrs. Imelda Marcos is again a representative, and Ms. Imee Marcos is governor of Ilocos Norte.
And, despite its laudable vision of “a just and humane society” and a democracy and its ideals of public office and good governance, under this Constitution we have not been able to reform and transform our weakened and ineffective political institutions.
To this day, 27 years after the EDSA “People Power” Revolt in February 1986, we have not “consolidated” our democracy. “Democracy is consolidated when…a particular system of institutions becomes the only game in town, and when no-one can imagine acting outside the democratic institutions” (A. Przeworski, Democracy and the Market: Political and Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America. 1991.p. 26).
In contrast, we have played various undemocratic “political games.” Rebel soldiers sought to remove President Aquino in at least seven disruptive coup attempts that fortunately failed. In the course of his impeachment trial President Joseph Estrada was removed in an extra-constitutional “people power revolt” with the resignation of Cabinet members and the withdrawal of his support by the military and the national police. President Gloria Arroyo became the target of intended “people power” revolts, coup attempts, an aborted rebellion, and proposed “snap elections.”
To date the killers and torturers of the Marcos regime have not been brought to justice, and have been practically ignored by succeeding post-EDSA regimes. But at last Congress has passed a law to indemnify the victims of human rights violations under Marcos. Despite public outcry, various human rights are still violated with apparent impunity. Corruption and betrayal of public office are still rampant. Our indigenous peoples bear the brunt of non-inclusive development.
As we have observed, rebels, warlords and private armies exist in their own territories. The military and the police under civilian rule do not have the monopoly of the use of armed force expected in a democracy. The judiciary continues to be too slow in doing its work and is often unable to dispense justice especially to the poor. The trial of the 2009 Maguindanao massacre of 58 men and women, including journalists, by the ruling Ampatuan clan is now on its 4th year.
Lately, in Sabah, Malaysia more than 30 Filipino members of the Royal Army of the Sultan of Sulu were killed in encounters with Malaysian military and police who also suffered casualties. The crisis has yet to be resolved. Meanwhile, hundreds of Filipino residents in Sabah have evacuated to Sulu and Tawi Tawi, with more to follow, creating a socio-economic crisis.
On the other hand, elections have been generally free, fair, peaceful, and credible since 1987. Following his ouster as president in 2001, Joseph Estrada was charged with plunder and detained in his suburban rest house. After a seven-year trial he was found guilty beyond reasonable doubt. Only to be pardoned about a month afterward by President Gloria M. Arroyo. After 40 days of impeachment trial by the Senate, Chief Justice Renato Corona was removed from office after he was found guilty of betrayal of the public trust for failing to report and pay his true income. Former President Arroyo was charged with electoral sabotage and placed under hospital and then house arrest. In October 2012, after years of conflict the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front finally signed a framework base agreement for establishing a Bangsamoro political entity to replace the failed Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao.
But overall our democracy continues to be at risk.We should therefore take to heart the warning that we must deepen and strengthen democracy, or we risk its failure if widening poverty and unbearable social inequality should cause serious civil unrest that will trigger a military rebellion and another authoritarian rule.
“Emerging democracies must demonstrate that they can solve their governance problems and meet their citizens’ expectations for freedom, justice, a better life, and a fairer society. If democracies do not more effectively contain crime and corruption, generate economic growth, relieve economic inequality, and secure freedom and the rule of law, people will eventually lose faith and turn to authoritarian alternatives. Struggling democracies must be consolidated so that all levels of society become enduringly committed to democracy as the best form of government and to their country’s constitutional norms and constraints.” (Larry Diamond, “The Democratic Rollback: The Resurgence of the Predatory State.” Foreign Affairs, March-April 2008.)